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New England 










OCT 12 1931 




^m 8EW\:^ 




W. DeLOSS love, Ph.D. 



(Etje pilgrim press 


Copyright, 1899, 



Honored and Beloved 

In Remembrance of the Twentieth Reunion 

OF the 

Class of 1873 

Hamilton College 

This Volume is Inscribed 


At the memorial services on the reinterment of Isaac Paris, Prof. 
Edward North, l. h. d., of Hamilton College, expressed the follow- 
ing sentiment: "After this day's memorial has been completed, an 
effort should be made to find the lost grave of Rev. Samson Occum, 
whose fame as a fervid Indian preacher lives in the early history and 
traditions of Oneida county." These words came to the author's 
notice as he was examining a portion of Occom's diary among the 
manuscripts of the Connecticut Historical Society. In this he found 
reasons to believe that an Indian cemetery was located on the farm of 
Occom's brother-in-law, David Fowler, where most naturally the 
famous Mohegan would rest. A class reunion shortly afterwards 
made it convenient to visit Deansville, N. Y., June 20, 1893, when 
the early burial-place of the Christian Indians was discovered. Out 
of the interest then kindled this volume has grown. 

Samson Occom will always be regarded as the most famous Chris- 
tian Indian of New England. Hitherto he has been but dimly known. 
Herein we have written the story of his life, woven as it is into Indian 
history, and particularly into the fortunes of that tribe which he 
created and named. We are able thus to follow these Indians in de- 
tail from barbarism along the trail of civilization for a century and 
three quarters, an opportunity which is afforded by no other North 
American Indians. 

Our historical resources have been almost wholly unprinted 
manuscripts. These are widely scattered, and in some cases have 
been unexplored by historians. We name them that others may be 
spared our pains : Wheelock Papers, Occom's Diaries, Whitaker 
Papers and. Sergeant's Journals— Dartmouth College Library; Indian 
Papers, including manuscripts of Samson Occom and Joseph Johnson, 
Mohegan and William Samuel Johnson Papers— Connecticut Histori- 
cal Society; Records of the Society for Propagating the Gospel— 
N. E. Hist, and Gen. Societv, Boston; Town, Court, and Supcrin- 


tendent's Records of the Brothertown Indians, Brothertown, Wis. ; 
Letters and Journals of Samuel Kirkland— Mr. Thornton K. Lothrop, 
Boston; Stiles MSS. — Yale College Library; Records of the Suffolk 
and Albany Presbyteries; Connecticut Archives, Hartford; Massa- 
chusetts Archives, Boston; New York Archives, Albany; Trumbull 
Papers — Massachusetts Historical Society and Connecticut Historical 
Society; Solomon Williams^ Letters — Mrs. B. E. Hooker, Hartford; 
Town Records — Farmington, Montville, New London, Groton, Ston- 
ington. Conn., Charlestown, R. I., etc. ; Land Kecords, Utica, N. Y. ; 
and other sources less important. Such references have been given as 
may be most helpful, but the evidence on many facts in the narrative 
could not be cited. To all who have rendered their courteous assist- 
ance we make acknowledgment, and especially to the Brothertown 
Indians, in whose homes many items have been gathered. 

It may seem to some that an Indian genealogy is more a curiosity 
than a contribution to history. Even so, it is not every tribe that 
can furnish such evidence that it is of the pure blood, which, in a 
study of Indian civilization, is essential. We have by means of it, 
however, condensed many facts of tribal and town history, identified 
families of Indians whose names the student will meet with in records, 
added notes which would have cumbered the text of our narrative, and 
perhaps rendered some service in establishing the property rights of 
many in the tribal inheritance. May we not also hope that such a 
record will quicken the conserving influences within the tribe and 
help them on into an honorable future? 

W. D. L. 

Hartford, Conn.. 
October, i8qq. 




The Civilization of the Indian a Problem. — A Missionary Purpose in 

all Puritan Charters. — It is Adopted by our Forefathers. — Their 

Plan to Civilize. — The Evangelizing Method. — Eliot's Indian 

Town.— His Educational Work.— The Seed Scattered Abroad. 

First Century of Indian Missions 



1 7 23- 1 749 
Samson Occom of Mohegan. — Early Attempts to Christianize his 
Tribe. — The Visit of Experience Mayhew.— A School Estab- 
lished. — Influences from Natick.— Ben Uncas and his Son.— 
North" Church, of New London.—" The Great Awakening."— 
.Conversion of Occom.— Eleazar Wheelock.— The Indian at 



1.7 49-1 761 

The Montauk Indians.— A Schoolmaster and his Salary.— Successful 
Methods.— Occom's Religious Work.— Hardships of Wigwam 
Life.— A License to Preach.— The Cherokee Mission.— Ordina- 
tion as a Presbyterian Minister.— His Marriage to Mary Fowler. 
—Some Good Fruits of his Work at Montauk .... 







Wheelock's Plan to Educate Indian Missionaries. — Two Pupils Ar- 
rive at Lebanon. — Prospects of Support. — The Gift of Joshua 
More, — Missionary Headquarters on a Connecticut Hilltop. — 
Joseph Johnson. — David Fowler. — Pupils from the Mohawk and 
Oneida Tribes. — New England Indians at the School. — Death of 
Tobias Shattock. — Samuel Ashbow 56 



Missions among the Six Nations. — "Good Peter." — Occom's Call to 
Service. — Departure of the First Missionaries. — An Indian's 
Diary. — The Oneidas Receive the Gospel. — A Second Mission. 
— Wheelock's Memorial to the Connecticut Assembly. — Corre- 
spondents of the Scotch Society. — Occom's Appointment Among 
the New England Indians. — His House at Mohegan ... 82 


1 765-1 768 

Samuel Kirkland Goes to the Senecas. — Indian Schoolmasters Sent 
Out from Lebanon. — David Fowler, the Teacher at Kanawa- 
rohare. — Trials Among the Heathen. — Some of his Letters. — 
. A " Missing Rib " Found. — Kirkland and Fowler Among the 
Oneidas. — The Cabin of a Missionary. — Famine in the Land. — 
Kirkland is Rescued by his Indian Friend 105 


I 764-1769 

Failure of a Westward Mission. — The " Mason Controversy." — Posi- 
tion of an Indian Councilor. — Robert ClelUpd, the Schoolmaster 
at Mohegan. — Jealousy of David Jewett. — Occom's Opinions 
Offend the Whites. — A Meeting of the Connecticut Correspond- 
ents. — The Indian is Reproved. — Jewett's Retraction . . .119 




Whitefield's Project to Assist the Indian Charity School. — Nathaniel 
Whitaker to Accompany Occom. — Opposition from the IJoston 
Commissioners. — Talents of the Indian Preacher. — Arrival in 
England. — Occom in Whitefield's Tabernacle. — He Creates a 
Sensation and Sees the Sights. — Some Notable Friends. — Atti- 
tude of the Church of England. — Success in Scotland. — The 
"Trust Fund." — Opinions Favorable to Occom. — Portraits of 
the Indian Preacher i 30 




Samson Occom's Disappointment. — His Family Trials. — Wheelock 
is Reproved for Neglect. — Removal of the School to Hanover. — 
The Indians are Offended at their Patron. — Occom's Fall into 
Intemperance. — Examined and Acquitted by the Suffolk Pres- 
bytery. — His Subsequent Reputation. — Some Indian Prodigals 
Return 152 


occom's sermon, HYMNS AND HYMN F.OOK 


Moses Paul Executed at New Haven. — Occom's Sermon on Intem- 
perance. — His Utterance on Slavery. — Singing among the Indi- 
ans. — Hymn-writers among Occom's Friends. — "A Choice Col- 
lection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs." — " Indian Melodies."— 
Some Hymns ascribed to Occom. — "Awak'd by Sinai's .Awful 
Sound" '69 



The Tribes of Southern New England.— Early Mi.ssions among the 
Narragansetts. — Joseph Park and Samuel Niles. — Edward 
Deake and his School. — The Groton Pequots.— Instruction of 
the Stonington Indians.— Work among the Niantics.— Christian- 


izing the Natives at Farmington. — The School at Montauk. — 
Later Missions at Mohegan i88 



Occom's Design to Unite the Christian Indians. — Missionary Purpose 
in the Emigration. — Joseph Johnson Enlisted in the Service. — 
He Secures Lands at Oneida. — Adoption of the New England 
Indians. — Wheelock Approves the Plan. — Departure of the Emi- 
grants. — The Revolutionary War. — Influence of the Christian 
Indians Over the Oneidas. — The Messenger of Washington. — 
Occom's Plea for Neutrality. — Death of Joseph Johnson . . 207 



The Emigrants Retreat to Stockbridge. — Missions among the Housa- 
tonic Tribe. — Labors of John Sergeant. — Defect of His Plan. — 
Stockbridge Indians in the Revolution. — Three Prominent Coun- 
cilors. — Experiences of the Refugees. — They Influence Their 
Friends to Emigrate. — Lands Secured from the Oneidas . . 231 



The Return to Oneida. — Indian Pilgrims Set Sail from New Lon- 
don. — Occom in Charge of the Removal. — His Visit to Oneida 
in 1785. — The Founding of Brothertown. — Preaching to the 
Stockbridge and New England Indians. — Another Visit to His 
People. — Jacob Fowler's Death. — The Season of 1787. — Oc- 
com's Own Removal.— His Ministry in New Settlements. — An 
Indian Presbyterian Church 247 



Occom's Views on Indian Civilization. — Educated Indians at Brother- 
town. — The Defense of their Title. — Factional Disputes. — Eject- 


ing Trespassers. — Action of the New York Assembly. — A Vic- 
tory for the Indians. — The Death of Samson Occom. — His 
Funeral and the Place of His Burial 283 



The Connecticut Town their Model. — Appointment of Superintend- 
ents. — Indian Peacemakers. — Laws of their Town. — Progress 
in Agriculture. — Public Improvements. — Religious Affairs after 
Occom's Death. — The Superintendents Select an Agent. — 
Thomas Dean and His Services 299 


I 809-1 898 

The Embassy of Hendrick Aupaumut — Failure of the White River 
Enterprise. — Eleazar Williams. — Lands Secured in Wisconsin. — 
"New York Indians vs. the United States." — A Claim to Honor. 
— Emigration to the West. — The New Indian Settlement. — Or- 
ganization and Experiences. — The Last Stand of the New Eng- 
land Indians 316 

Family History of the Brothertown Indians 335 


Picture of Samson Occoni Frontispiece 

Samson Occom's House at Mohegan and the Mohegan 

Chapel, 1831 Page 102 

Facsimile of the Title Page of Occom's Hymn Book and 

Indian Melodies " 180 

The Narragansett Church " 194 

Map of Brothertown ........ " 334 

Burial-place of the Christian Indians " 298 

Headmen of the Brothertown Indians •• 330 




The civilization of the American Indians, to whom our land 
from sea to sea once belonged, is an endeavor nearly three 
centuries old. At no time since the forefathers came to New 
England have they or their descendants been wholly unmind- 
ful of this obligation. Heroic lives have been devoted to evan- 
gelizing the Indians, teachers have sought to educate them, 
laws have been enacted in their behalf, and a paternal govern- 
ment has expended vast sums in their maintenance. Although 
the results of all wisely ordered efforts have been better than 
is generally supposed, the ultimate issue is still undetermined. 
There seem, indeed, to be some reasons for believing that the 
race itself is gradually dying away toward the setting sun. 

All the movements of this extended period have been due 
primarily to the spirit of Christian missions, to the histories of 
which we leave what more particularly exhibits the achieve- 
ments of religion. We purpose rather to treat the subject as 
a problem of civilization. It has always been recognized as 
such. The main inquiry has been whether the Indian is capa- 
ble of being permanently established in the ways of civilized 
life; and, if so, what conditions will best accomplish this end. 
He has been known in our literature chiefly as a savage. 
What may he become if he is Christianized, brought into 


church estate, educated in industrial pursuits, invested with 
rights in the land which supports him, and trusted with the 
responsibilities of government? Historical studies may throw 
some light upon this problem by tracing the experiences of a 
tribe which was collected from the Christian remnants in New 
England and has been seasoned in the beneficent influences 
of generations, traversing the distance from heathenism to 
American citizenship. 

The Indian missions of New England during the first cen- 
tury furnish an interesting story which has been often told. 
We would call the reader's attention to the noble purpose of 
the fathers and the methods by which they hoped to accom- 
plish the civilization of the Indian, as seen in the facts else- 
where stated by many historians.^ An examination of the case 
seems to us to show more creditable aims, plans and results 
than we have been led by some writers to suppose. Especi- 
ally is some review of this period desirable, because the work 
of the second century, in which Samson Occom was engaged, 
was the later harvest of this early seed-sowing. 

One of the aims of the New England fathers in crossing the 
sea was the conversion of the natives to Christianity. Some 
writers have made much of this well-known fact, and have 
brought against them a charge of neglecting this labor 
throughout the early years of their settlement. The truth is, 
they deserve high praise for adopting such a philanthropic pur- 
pose when it was suggested to them. Those who have cited 
the language of their charters, as though they made preten- 
sions which were soon forgotten, have misjudged the fact. 
This profession was not peculiar to them. All charters of the 
time contained it. The letters patent which King James gave 
to the Virginia Company, April lo, 1606, based the privileges 

1 See especially Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull's article on " The Origin and Early 
Progress of Indian Missions in New England." — Avt. A^itiq. Soc. Proc, No. LXI, 
pp. 16 ff. 


granted upon their undertaking " a work which may, by the 
Providence of Almighty God. hereafter tend to the glory of his 
Divine Majesty, in propagating of Christian religion to such 
people as yet live in darkness and miserable ignorance of the 
true knowledge and worship of God, and may in time bring the 
infidels and savages living in those parts to human civility 
and to a settled and quiet government."^ In the Virginia 
charters of 1609 and 1611-12, the same design is an- 
nounced.^ A sermon was preached before these adventurers, 
April 25, 1609, by Rev. William Symondes of Southwarke, the 
Epistle Dedicatory of which is addressed to the "right noble 
and worthie Advancers of the Standard of Christ among the 
Gentiles." When a similar discourse was delivered by Rev. 
William Crashaw, February 21, 1609-10, on the departure of 
Lord De La Warre, the governor was admonished to remem- 
ber that he was going to commend religion to the heathen. 
The Virginians subsequently undertook this work, but the 
desire was never sufficiently strong in their religious life to 
make it successful. The great patent of New England, dated 
November 3, 1620, has been repeatedly quoted as though it 
contained unusual missionary pretensions. In that the king 
declared that "the principall effect which we can desire or 
expect of this action, is the conversion and reduction of the 
people in those parts into the true worship of God and Chris- 
tian religion." This precise language, however, is found in 
the Virginia charter of 1609, from which we may suppose it 
was taken. The Massachusetts Bay charter, dated March 4, 
1628-29, directed that the people "male be soe religiously, 
peaceablie and civilly governed as their good life, and order- 
lie conversacon maie wynn and incite the natives of the coun- 
try to the knowledg and obedience of the onlie true God and 
Savior of mankinde and the Christian fayth, which, in our 

2 Charters atid Constitutions, II, 188S. 
i Ibid., II, 1902. 

4 S A A/so AT OCCOM 

royall intencon and the adventurers free profession, is the 
principall ende of this plantacon." But this language should 
be interpreted in the light of the fact that several other nearly 
contemporary patents contain like expressions. This was, then, 
a common article in the emigrant's creed. It meant more or 
less according to his character. The late Dr. J. Hammond 
Trumbull, to whom every writer on the Indian must be 
indebted, has called attention to Thomas Thorowgood's state- 
ment in his tract on the " Jewes in America," which sum- 
marizes the facts thus: "The mutuall and interchangeable 
fact and covenant of donor and receiver is, in all those char- 
ters and patents, the conversion of the heathen." The dis- 
tinguishing characteristic, therefore, of the New England col- 
onists was not in unusual pretensions made in their charters. 
We shall see that it was rather in the sincerity of this profes- 
sion and their earnestness in endeavoring to fulfil it. 

The missionary purpose was grafted into the life of the 
Pilgrims. The works of their leader, John Robinson, exhibit 
only the remotest interest in the evangelization of the heathen. 
Ecclesiastical freedom was his uppermost thought. But so 
early as 1617, when they were contemplating emigration under 
the auspices of the Virginia Company, and very likely because 
they had noted the above clauses in the charter, the Pilgrims 
declared their intention of crossing the sea "that they might 
be means of replanting the Gospel amongst the heathen."^ 
One of their enemies had suggested in ridicule that they 
"remove to Virginia and make a plantation there in hope to 
convert infidels to Christianity," but they had adopted this 
purpose in earnest. Thus they made fast to what had been 
only a stereotyped expression in the ventures of those Puritan 
times. As they thereafter pondered over the matter, the idea 
was strengthened within them. It is frequently referred to in 
their writings. Bradford mentions it among their reasons for 

< Hanbury's Historical Memorials^ I, 36S. 


removal, thus: "Lastly (and which was not least), a great 
hope & inward zeall they had of laying some good founda- 
tion, or at least to make some way therunto, for ye propagat- 
ing & advancing ye gospell of ye kingdom of Christ in those 
remote parts of ye world ; yea, though they should be but 
even as stepping-stones unto others for ye performing of so 
great a work." ^ 

The Puritans of the Massachusetts Bay Colony adopted the 
same design. They put life into a formal profession. As 
their governor was pledged by his oath to this work, he 
reminded the colonists of their obligation in his instructions. 
*' That these pledges might be had in perpetual remembrance," 
says Dr. Trumbull, "on the seal provided in England for the 
colony, an Indian with extended hands raised the Macedonian 
cry, ' Come over and help us.' " These New England col- 
onists should be credited, therefore, with an extraordinary 
reception of the missionary impulse. They committed them- 
selves to an enterprise which had so engaged no other emi- 
grants of the time. The utterances of earlier charters were 
taken into their hearts and lives with all the solemnity of a 

It has been asserted also that the forefathers wholly 
neglected this work for a score of years. Here again they 
have been misjudged. The error arises from an ignorance of 
the particular method by which they hoped to civilize the 
Indian. The plan adopted was the one then current, and 
just what we should expect the Puritan life to depend upon — 
that of winning the heathen by the exhibition of their civi- 
lization and Christian institutions. Robert Cushman put it 
thus: "To displaie the efficacie & power of the Gospell 
both in zealous preaching, professing, and wise walking vnder 
it, before the faces of these poore blinde Infidels." The 

^ Bradford's Hist., p. 24. See also Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, pp. 243, 
257, 258, 271, 274, 328, 329, 339 n., 383. 


opinion then prevailed that it was necessary to reduce the 
natives to some measure of " civility " ere they could be 
Christianized. The later method of evangelization was not 
contemplated. It was not in discussion until about 1640. 
The forefathers had prominently in mind the giving up of a 
wandering life in the forest, the acquisition of the English 
language, and an education in the customs of civilized 
society. Hence, the main feature of their plan was the 
training of Indian youth in the Puritan household. 

In 1618 the Virginians, with similar opinions, had under- 
taken this method of bringing native children to "true religion, 
moral virtue, and civility," Their first legislative assembly 
the year following ordered that every plantation should 
procure such youth by just means for this purpose. This 
plan was explicitly approved in England. No one there 
had thought of any better, not even those who afterwards 
charged New England with neglect. It was, indeed, a very 
sensible procedure, which has never since been outgrown, 
and the only method possible in the early years of the col- 
onies. The Pilgrims began with Squanto and Hobomok, 
both of whom died "leaving some good hopes." Winslow 
declared that they had special interest in providing tutors 
for the Indian children of both sexes. So early as 162 1, when 
Cushman w^as at Plymouth, they were entertaining great ex- 
pectations in this direction, as we may infer from these words 
concerning the " younger sort " : " If we had means to apparel 
them, and wholly to retain them with us, as their desire is, 
they would doubtless in time prove serviceable to God and 
man, and if ever God send us means, we will bring up hun- 
dreds of their children, both to labor and learning."^ Among 
the Puritans of the Bay Colony this same plan was in mind as 
most feasible. Governor Cradock, in his letter to Endicott, 
Feb. 19, 1628-29, when he reminded him of this end of their 

'•• Young's Chron. of the Pilgrims, p. 260. 


plantation, wrote thus : " Endeavour to get some of their chil- 
dren to train up to reading and consequently to religion whilst 
they are young." This was done, so far as it was possible, in 
both colonies and more generally than has been supposed. 
Winthrop informs us that this disposition was made of the 
captives in the Pequot war : " Ye women tSc maid children are 
disposed aboute in ye towns." At a later time the youth were 
apprenticed by law to the English. Many who were able had 
Indian servants in their households, where daily, painstaking 
religious instruction was given after the Puritan custom. The 
results of all this early labor are dwelt upon with satisfaction 
in the record made in 1642 of " New England's First Fruits." 
A better summary cannot be presented than is there given : 
" Divers of the Indians Children, Boyes and Girles, we have 
received into our houses, who are long since civilized, and in 
subjection to us, painfull and handy in their businesse, and can 
speak our language familiarly ; divers of whom can read Eng- 
lish, and begin to understand in their measure, the grounds of 
Christian Religion ; some of them are able to give us account 
of the Sermons they heare, and of the word read and ex- 
pounded in our Families." This, then, was the early scheme 
for Christianizing the natives. For twenty years, whilst the 
colonists were engaged in the trials incident to their settle- 
ment, they could not hope for more than this plan promised. 
The results in many known instances were salutary. It was, 
moreover, the very best preparation for the later work. Many 
Indians became well acquainted with the religion and life of 
their neighbors. A general desire was awakened among them 
to know the God of the English and imitate their government 
and institutions. Those who knew most about the later plan 
of evangelization affirmed that this familiar intercourse in the 
English home was one reason for their subsequent success. 

This early work furthermore promoted an interest in the 
acquisition of the Indian language. Out of this fact the later 


movement arose. The fathers had entertained this hope from 
the first, but they had not imagined its outcome. Francis Hig- 
ginson had written in 1629, "We purpose to learn their lan- 
guage as soon as we can, which will be a means to do them 
good." " Roger Williams within a few years went to lodge in 
their wigwams that he might '' gain their tongue." Some dis- 
cussion soon arose as to whether more could not be accom- 
plished by a new plan involving the use of the native lan- 
guage. Henry Dunster, the president of the college at Cam- 
bridge, was urgent in advocating this novel proposition. In 
1641 Thomas Lechford wrote of him, " He hath the platforme 

and way of conversion of the Natives indifferent right 

He will" make it good that the way to instruct the Indians, 
must be in their owne language, not English, and that their 
language may be perfected." ^ This idea, notwithstanding 
some opposition, gained in favor. John Eliot and Thomas 
Mayhew adopted it with enthusiasm. It was a long step for- 
ward and opened the way to a new type of Indian civilization. 
The evangelizing method then became possible. Instead of 
bringing the natives into the colonists' homes to be Anglicized, 
it sent the English out into the Indian villages to teach, and 
there Christianity could work out a civilization in the natural 
environment where it was compelled to subsist. The study of 
their language and its reduction to form could not but result, 
as it did, in the translation of sundry tracts and the Bible 
itself as necessary agencies in this evangelization. Thus the 
work which Eliot is generally thought to have originated was 
developed out of a previous design and endeavor. It does 
not detract from his honors as the " Apostle to the Indians " 
to say that he was himself a product of the New England peo- 
ple. 'I'he Puritan in heathendom was bound to be a mission- 
ary. In him was that spirit, that love for education, out of 

' Young's Chron. of the Pilgrims, p. 258. 
^ Lechford's Plain Dealing, p. 53. 


which civilization was certain to arise. Others were affected 
as Eliot was by the condition of the savage tribes about them ; 
but he was facile priticeps because he excelled them all in 
comprehending the problem, in creating adequate agencies, and 
in missionary zeal. The movement was general and except 
for the results of the earlier work it would not have been so 

The story of Eliot's missionary labors is familiar to all 
readers. We call particular attention to his plan and its 
development. He began about 1643, it is supposed, to study 
the Indian language. His tutor was a certain Long Island 
Indian, a captive in the Pequot war, who had been made a 
servant in the family of Mr. Richard Calicott of Dorchester.^ 
The aforementioned tract, "New England's First Fruits", 
was published in England that same year, and Roger Will- 
iams' "Key unto the Language of America" appeared a few 
months after it. This revived interest manifested itself in 
1644, by the action of the General Court, ordering that the 
Indians in the several counties be " instructed in the know- 
ledge and worship of God." The year following the rever- 
end elders were explicitly requested to consider means to 
this end. Thus the problem was thrust upon them, and 
Eliot, with others, had it under consideration some months 
.before he began his mission. ^° On the 28th of October, 1646, 
he went to Nonantum with several others, and there preached 
his first Indian sermon in Waubun's wigwam. His success 
probably influenced the decision of the ministers in favor of 
the new plan. At that visit the Indians expressed a desire to 
have land given them near at hand that they might " build a 
town together," at which the Englishmen were greatly pleased 
and promised to speak for them to the General Court. That 
body assembled in a few days and probably upon a report 

See Cockenoe-de-Long Island, by W. W. Tooker. 
'0 Winthrop's Hist., II, 326 ; The Day-Breaking, etc., p. 3. 


from the reverend elders, supplemented by a second visit, 
took important action in the matter, " Considering yt inter- 
pretation of tongues is an appointment of God for propagat- 
ing the truth," it was ordered that two ministers be chosen 
annually "to make knowne ye heavenly counsell of God 
among ye Indians." A law was passed prohibiting their 
powwows, which the elders had judged to be great obstacles 
to their conversion. But the most far-reaching action was 
the appointment of a committee to purchase lands for the 
prospective Indian town, where Shepard, Allen and Eliot 
should advise, and make rules for improving and enjoying the 
same. The Indians of Waubun's company were- much inter- 
ested in this project. They at once adopted ten laws for their 
moral improvement. The lands at Watertown Mill were 
bought and there at Nonantum the first experiment was made 
in this novel plan of Indian civilization. 

The ultimate design of John Eliot was to raise up native 
missionaries. He recognized from the first the fact that 
"God is wont ordinarily to convert nations and peoples by 
some of their own countrymen who are nearest to them, and 
can best speak and most of all pity their brethren." In order 
to this, however, he thought it necessary riot only to evan- 
gelize them but also to establish them in the ways of civilized 
life. Hence he conceived the idea of a jcommunity, formed 
wholly of Christian Indians, and in a measure self-governing, 
where educational, industrial and religious privileges might 
hope to accomplish most in a favorable environment. This 
was precisely the idea upon which Samson Occom built, more 
than a century afterwards. Eliot found the natives anxious 
to imitate the civilization of the whites. The plan was favor- 
able to his hopes of giving them a Christian literature. So he 
wisely fostered every suggestion the natives made in this 
direction, and the General Court endorsed* his measures. In 
1647 th^ magistrates were empowered to hold quarterly courts 


among them, and their sachems were authorized "to keep a 
court of themselves every month if they see occasion, to 
determine small causes of a civil nature, and such smaller 
criminal causes as the said magistrates shall refer to them."^^ 
Such powers would have been dangerous except under Eliot's 
leadership. They enabled him to put the Indian government 
in the hands of his trusted converts. Schools were soon 
established. The children were regularly catechized. All 
their industrial ambitions were furthered. The men began to 
fence their fields and cultivate them after the English manner. 
The women took up spinning. Ttade between them and the 
whites was encouraged. All these measures wrought together 
to assist Eliot in evangelizing them. He correctly judged that 
the results of such a colonizing scheme would be more per- 

The experiment at Nonantum had not been two years under 
way before Eliot discovered that an enlargement of his plan 
was necessary. The grant of land was not large enough, and 
it was too near the English. Moreover, it was not a suitable 
place to gather his converts from other native villages and 
tribes in-to the Indian town which had come to be his ideal. 
This latter fact was important. So early as 1649 his original 
design had grown to a hope of founding a community where 
all the Christian Indians should be governed after the theo- 
cratic ideal of the Scriptures. He seems to have been 
impressed with the notion, then entertained by many, that the 
American Indians were the lost tribes of Israel. He even 
thought that such an assembling of dry bones might be a ful- 
filment of prophecy.^^ At all events, with this problem in view, 
he sought to ascertain what form of government was approved 
in the Bible. The result was the writing soon afterwards of 

^^Mass. Col. Rec, II, i88; The Clear Sunshine, etc., pp. 15, 16, 28. 
12 The Light Appearing, etc., pp. 23, 24 ; Glorious Progress, etc., Appendix ; 
Strength out of IVeal-ness, p. 10 


that condemned book entitled " The Christian Commonwealth," 
and some application of his theory among the Indians. ^^ In 
his letters he declared his purpose in this language: "The 
present work of God among them is to gather them together 
to bring them to political life, both in ecclesiastical society and 
in civil, for which they earnestly long and enquire." "Touch- 
ing the way of their government ... I intend to direct 
them according as the Lord shall please to help and assist, to 
set up the kingdom of Jesus Christ fully, so that Christ shall 
reign both in church and commonwealth, both in civil and 
spiritual matters ; we will, through his grace, My to the Scrip- 
tures for every law, rule, direction, form, or whatever we do." " 
His project, however, was delayed. The corporation entitled 
" The President and Society for [the] Propagation of the Gos- 
pel in New England " was constituted by act of Parliament 
July 27, 1649,^^ but no funds were then at hand for its work. 

"3 See preface to The Christian Commonwealth, John Eliot. 

^* The Light Appearing, etc., pp. 23, 28. 

15 The following societies, all of which were engaged in Indian missions, have been 
frequently confounded: (i) The corporation entitled "The President and Society 
for [the] Propagation of the Gospel in New England " was constituted by an act of 
the Long Parliament in 1649. The commissioners of the United Colonies were its 
agents in New England. It died at the Restoration, May 29, 1660. (2) " The Com- 
pany for [the] Propagation of [Propagating] the Gospel [amongst the Heathen 
Natives of] in New England and the Parts Adjacent in America" was incorporated 
by Charles II, February 7, 1661-2, and was the successor of the former. The com- 
missioners of the United Colonies were its agents until 1685, after which a Board of 
Commissioners at Boston was constituted. They called themselves " Commissioners 
of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England." This was also called 
the "London Society." It cut off remittances to New England May 31, 1779, 
excepting arrearages and the Daniel Williams legacy, which was paid to the Presi- 
dent and Fellows of Harvard College to 1787. This society is still in existence as 
" The Mew England Company" of London, and conducts Indian missions largely in 
Canada. (3) The " Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge " was formed in 
England in 1698. It sent over some books for use in Indian missions, (4) "The 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts " was chartered by Will- 
iam III, June 16, 1701. This was a sectarian society of the Church of England. 
It conducted some Indian missions in early days among the Oneidas. See David 
Humphreys' Historical Accou?tt, etc., and a series of anniversary sermons. (5) The 


Eliot consulted the ministers, who advised him to proceed. A 
tract of about six thousand acres was decided on and secured. 
In the spring of 165 1, the town was laid out and the Indians 
with great zeal began the work of construction. They named 
the place Natick. On the 6th of August, the Indians met and 
after Eliot had expounded the eighteenth chapter of Exodus, 
upon which his theocratic government was based, they elected 
their rulers — one over a hundred, two over fifties, and ten " tith- 
ing men." Each Indian chose which " ruler of ten " he would 
be under. The 24th of the following month was observed by 
fasting and prayer, and toward its close they entered, not into 
a church estate, as some have supposed, but into a civil coven- 
ant to be the Lord's people. ^^ Eliot saw thus his desire real- 
ized as to their government. He found, however, that the 
form of it was impracticable. It was not adapted to Indian 
life. A ruler in civil affairs, which their tribal instincts 
approved and the General Court had authorized, was all that 
the Indian town needed. To that the scheme finally came 
under Eliot's wise guidance. When he was permitted in 1660, 
after years of patient preparation and some opposition, to form 
a church among them, the ruler and the religious teacher or 
pastor became the two sources of authority in their Christian- 
ized communities. Meanwhile the movement had spread. 

" Society in Scotland for Propagating Cliristian Knowledge " was formed in 1709. 
It is usually called the " Scotch Society." A Board of Correspondents at Boston was 
appointed in 1730, but was suspended in 1737. In 1756 it was revived and con- 
tinued operations thereafter for many years. Another Board of Correspondents was 
constituted at New York in 1741, which in 1769 gave place to a board composed of 
the trustees of the College of New Jersey at Princeton. The Connecticut Board of 
Correspondents was formed at Lebanon July 4, 1764, and continued in existence 
about five years. (6) A "Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge" was 
incorporated Feb. 11, 1762, by the Massachusetts government, but its charter was 
not ratified in England \^Acts ajid Resolves of Mass., iv : 520-523]. (7) " The Soci- 
ety for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians and others in North America" 
was incorporated by the General Court of Massachusetts, November 19, 1787. It has 
conducted various Indian missions in New England, New York, and the West. 
^^' Strength out of Weakness^ pp. 9-13. 



The plan of Indian town government had been adopted by- 
Thomas Mayhew and others. Eliot gave up the idea of 
gathering all the Christian Indians at Natick. After that 
model other towns were formed. Industry and education 
advanced. The results began to appear, particularly in the 
work of the converts he had raised up. His earlier problems 
were lost to view in the greater religious success, which was 
always his main purpose and which won for him the merited 
title, "Apostle of the Indians." 

As we have already suggested, the educational work of John 
Eliot was a prominent feature. A Puritan could not do other- 
wise than make it such, and the sequel proved his wisdom. 
At the beginning of his mission, the Indians expressed a desire 
that their children might be taught. Some of them were given 
over to English families for instruction after the older custom. 
Schools were established under white masters. It soon be- 
came evident, however, that an education in English was not 
best adapted to his purpose, nor easiest for the Indian children 
to acquire. He was preaching to them in the Indian lan- 
guage, and he felt that he must give them the Bible in their 
native tongue and they must be taught to read it. This he 
had determined upon so early as 1649, and his catechism was 
printed in 1653 or 1654. Parts of the Scriptures followed, 
and the famous " Mamusse Wunneetupanatamwee Up-Biblum 
God " appeared in 1663. The results of this work were visi- 
ble from- the first. Eliot found that the children and adults 
were very quick to learn in Indian. Even three years before 
the whole Bible was printed about one hundred of his Chris- 
tian Indians had been taught to read. His helpers were 
greatly multiplied and some from the older towns went out in 
a humble way to teach other tribes. A careful examination 
of the progress shows that this Indian literature gave a new 
impetus to the work. The greatest success came during the 
ten years following. Eliot was moved by it, furthermore, to 


see the necessity of the educated Indian teacher. The well- 
fitted native accomplished more than the inexperienced Eng- 
lishman. In 1670 he wrote, " And seeing they must have 
Teachers amongst themselves, they must also be taught to be 
Teachers ; for which cause I have begun to teach them the 
Art of Teaching, and I find some of them very capable. "^^ 

The claim has been made that the Indian Bible was of no 
service to the natives because it was not intelligible.^^ One of 
Eliot's biographers says, " It failed to answer the pious pur- 
pose for which the translator labored in preparing it."^-' Dr. 
Trumbull, than whom no one was more competent to judge, in 
answering these claims has given this opinion : '' There is 
abundant evidence that many of the praying Indians did 
acquire the art of reading with facility books printed in their 
language."-*^ We emphasize further in reply this fact: it was 
because of Eliot's discovery that the Indians made easy prog- 
ress in their own tongue that he was led to do the greater part 
of his work as a translator. He witnessed the good results 
even before he had finished his Bible. The volume was not 
only intelligible to the Indians, it was a valuable means of 
spreading his work. Whatever permanent quality that had 
was largely due to this native literature. We do not doubt 
that more good would have been accomplished by this agency 
had it not been for King Philip's War, which was an over- 
whelming disaster to the Indian missions of New England. 

Most writers on the work of John Eliot have seemed to 
think that its results sank away like water in desert sands. 
Such was not really the case. The stream has been flowing 
onward in^the shadows since those early times. Indians are 
now livins: whose enli^rhtened estate mav be attributed re- 

'' Brief Narrative, etc., p. 5. 

18 North American Rev., Oct., i860. 

1" Francis' Life of Eliot, pp. 237, 238. 

20 Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, No. LXI, pp. 3; ff. 


motely to that good man who has been more than two centu- 
ries in his grave. As his settlements of praying Indians in the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony began to die out, the seed, scat- 
tered abroad, sprang up in other places where it was nour- 

The Christian influences of Nonantum in 1647 spread in 
three directions, northward, westward and southward, and can 
be followed from town to town."^^ Eliot's first convert, Waubun, 
was, says Thomas Shephard, " the most active Indian for stir- 
ring up other Indians to seek after the knowledg of God." 
He is known to have carried the news in advance of Eliot to 
several distant Indian settlements. Indeed, the work so wisely 
conducted by the Mayhews on Martha's Vineyard, although it 
may have had an independent origin, was very closely associ- 
ated with Eliot's by visitation and correspondence; and the 
success in the Plymouth Colony and on Cape Cod was due to 
the latter rather than the former. To the northward there 
arose Nashobah (Littleton) and Wamesit (Lowell), into which 
those at the upper falls of the Pawtucket were afterwards gath- 
ered. The latter lived until the uncivilized Indians joined the 
St. Francis tribe and the Christians retreated to Natick. 
Thither also those of Concord and Sudbury finally came. To 
the westward Christian Indians went from Natick and estab- 
lished a town at Hassanamesit (Grafton), where a church was 
formed in 1671. This was the center of all the preaching sta- 
tions in that vicinity — Okommakamesit (Marlboro), Pakachoag 
(Worcester), and VVaeuntug(Uxbridge) — until in King Philip's 
War they were all swept away and the Christian remnants were 
absorbed at Natick and Dudley. The work at the latter place. 
Chabanakongkomun, was begun in 1672, by Indians of the 

21 See Series of " Eliot Tracts ; " Daniel Gookin's Historical Account, etc., Ar- 
chceologia Americana, II, 423 ff; Articles on "Early Indian Missions," by Dr. H, M. 
Dexter, in The Sabbath at Home, 1868; Mass. Hist. Soc.ColL, I, vol. x, p. 129; 
Mather's Magnalia, 1853, II, 422 ff ; and MS. Rec. Soc. for Prop. Cos., with N. E. 
Hist, and Gen. Soc. 


Grafton church. It survived the war, took in that at Man- 
chaug (Oxford), and other abandoned towns westward, and 
lived under the labors of Revs. Perley How, Charles Gleason 
and others for three quarters of a century. Some of the sur- 
vivors at last moved southward into Connecticut and Rhode 
Island. The several settlements in Woodstock, Conn., Maa- 
nesit^ Quinnatesset and Wabquisset, where Eliot visited in 
1674, were absorbed by Connecticut tribes along the Thames 
river. To the southward Punkapoag (Stoughton) continued 
for many years under the patronage of the whites. A grand- 
son of their first Indian ruler was ministering to them in 1729, 
and a few remained even until after the Revolution. "At Titi- 
cut (Middleborough), whither Waubun carried the gospel in 
1648, religious privileges were maintained for nearly a cen- 
tury. They had a succession of native ministers and English 
lecturers. Thither Indians from surrounding settlements 
gathered, until the reduced remnant joined the south- 
ward movement which ended at Marshpee. So early as 
1647 Eliot made a journey to Yarmouth and visited the 
Indians on Cape Cod. He afterwards sent some of his 
converts in that direction. Within a few years Christian set- 
tlements became numerous thereabouts. Richard Bourne 
labored to the south and east of Sandwich from 1666 to his 
death in 1685. " He was a man of that discernment," said 
Rev. Gideon Hawley, " that he considered it as vain to propa- 
gate Christian knowledge among any people without a terri- 
tory where they might remain in place from generation to gen- 
eration." This idea resulted in the Marshpee reservation, 
where in time the surviving Indians of the Plymouth Colony 
were gathered. After him Simon Popmonet, an Indinn min- 
ister, labored in the same field for nearly forty years. He was 
followed in turn by Joseph Bourne, Solomon Briant, an Indian, 
Gideon Hawley, Phinehas Eish, and William Apes, the well- 
known native author of Marshpee. Here was, therefore, a 


continuation of the work down to recent times. To the north 
and west of Sandwich Captain Thomas Tupper began mission- 
ary labors about 1654, which he carried on until he was inca- 
pacitated by old age. A small meeting-house was built at the 
expense of Samuel Sewall on the hill east of Herring River 
(Bournedale), and there a church was formed. In after years 
his grandson, Eldad Tupper, and .his great-grandson, Elisha 
Tupper, were ministers to the Indians there and throughout 
that region. Further to the eastward in Eastham, Samuel 
Treat began his work in 1672, which was in a flourishing con- 
dition twenty years later, and was maintained largely by native 
ministers until about the middle of the next century. Here 
\yere, therefore, some centers in which the missions of the 
fathers survived for generations. At the end of the first cen- 
tury there were in the old fields, not including Martha's Vine- 
yard, " twenty or thirty congregations of Christianized Indians, 
whereto there belong some thousand souls. These had ten 
English preachers who gave them instructions and assistance, 
and between twenty and thirty Indian teachers by whom the 
exercises of the Lord's Day are mostly maintained." -^ The 
history of Natick, which is so familiar, is too frequently taken 
as illustrating the permanent value of that early work. Greater 
success attended that in the Plymouth Colony. It did not 
suffer so much during King Philip's War, and it was more di- 
rectly under the supervision of white ministers. The proximity 
of Mayhew's mission on the islands resulted in frequent visita- 
tions of zealous Indian ministers. Their lands, too, were not 
so generally coveted by the English, and they were out of the 
emigration current of the time. This made greater perma- 
nency possible. The Indians of Massachusetts slowly moved 
toward the south. Some who had been born at Natick left 
descendants at Marshpee. The mother church in its early 
years was constantly giving out Indian teachers who settled 

-'-India Christiana^ p. i"] ; Mather's Early History, p. xxxiii. 



permanently elsewhere, and it therefore deserves an honor 
which its later history would not suggest. 

It is difficult to measure the results of this first century 
movement toward civilization. Still, it has always been mis- 
judged because the accounts of it after King Philip's War 
are not so detailed or familiar as those of earlier times. 
Thousands, however, became nominal adherents to Chris- 
tianity. The census of 1674 numbers these as about four 
thousand in Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies, including 
those under Mayhew on Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket. 
At that time many of the early converts had died. The 
ingathering afterwards in missions at the southward was con- 
siderable. A careful estimate, based upon the history of 
individual congregations and churches, makes the number of 
Christian Indians in New England during this period about 
seven thousand. Comparatively few of these became church- 
members, and the type of Christian living was at no time very 
high ; but they were reduced to law and order and dwelt 
together in peace. Many, of course, lapsed into intemperance, 
but we have good evidence that a characteristic of the Chris- 
tian Indian was that he sought to recover himself. On the 
other hand, some families maintained their respectable char- 
acter for generations. As the years went by, their numbers 
decreased at an extraordinary death-rate, or, in the words of 
Cotton Mather, "by a strange Blast from Heaven confusing 
them." During the first half of the eighteenth century they 
melted away like snow^ in the springtime. 

The methods adopted by the fathers for civilizing the 
Indian were all that we could fairly expect. They had no 
experience to guide them. Such missions were in their 
infancy. On the whole their efforts met with a success which 
is an honor to their piety, wisdom and zeal. In the endea\'ors 
of this first century we have in the germ nearly all the ideas 
which have since been developed and are now in use. The 


fathers considered the Christian training of Indian youth as 
of the greatest importance. They exalted the necessity of 
education. In this work they tried both the separation of the 
native from his heathen environment and the instruction of 
the tribal schoolhouse. One of their fundamental problems 
was whether the Indian should remain such or be Anglicized. 
They employed both the English and the Indian languages. 
The white teacher and the native helper were both known to 
them. They recognized the value of industrial pursuits as 
adapted to bring the savage into the ways of civilized life. 
By the action of their General Court the reservation was 
brought into existence. There Eliot set up the first experi- 
ment in Indian self-government after the customs of civiliza- 
tion. They contended with the difficulties attending the hold- 
ing of lands, and experienced the evils of government aid. 
The Indian agent was one of their creations. All which 
could be accomplished by the missionary in evangelization 
they attempted. The native churches which they founded 
were not unlike many that have since existed. Although the 
fathers were by no means above reproach in their treatment 
of the Indians, they did much in the ways that were open to 
them to fulfil the obligation which their religion prompted and 
their royal charters had imposed. 



On some unknown day in the latter part of the seventeenth 
century, an Indian of the Mohegan tribe, who had dwelt in 
the region between the Shetucket and Quinebaug rivers, 
moved southward and set up his wigwam west of the river 
Thames in the vicinity of Uncas Hill, the ancient home of his 
sachem. The name of this Indian, as given in a document 
of 1738, was " Tomockham alias Ashneon," and he was the 
grandfather of Samson Occom.^ At this time the tribe had 
not gathered to any extent in villages. In 1725 they were 
said to number 351, and Jonathan Barber stated in 1738 that 
there were then only 19 males above 16 years of age who lived 
at Mohegan, and only 30 who had a permanent location on 
the Mohegan lands. Their territory, by the survey of 1705,' 
had for its corner bounds Lyme, Stonington, Pomfret and 
Bolton.-^ Throughout this region or beyond it they wandered 
in the avocations of the forest and their canoes crossed the 
waters to the fishing-grounds of Montauk. It may have been 
some fortune of war which led to this removal of Tomockham. 

^The earliest written form of this ladian's name is "Tomockham" which is also 
spelled " Tomockam," "Tomocham," and " Tomocum.'' The name of Occom's 
father is written " Joshua x Ockham,"' "Joshua x Aucum " and " Joshua x Maw- 
cum." Although the manuscripts show many spellings of the son's name, such as 
Ockam, Alcom, Aukum, Aucum, Occum, and Aucom, he himself wrote it Samson 
Occom. As the name " Tomockham " was sometimes written " Tom x Maucum," 
and one of the family wrote his own name " Thomas Occom," we conjecture that 
the original Indian name was " Ockham " (Aukum, etc.) meaning "on the other 
side," and that he adopted the prefix " Tom," which had possibly been given him by 
the English. 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, vol. IX, p. So ; Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., V, 6. 



Zachary Johnson, an aged councilor of the Mohegans, after- 
wards testified in enmity that Occom's grandfather was orig- 
inally from a town at or near Union, that he came and fought 
the Mohegans at Massapeak, and later lived at Niantic. There 
is no doubt that Tomockham was a Mohegan, as much so as 
any who were gathered by Uncas in the formation of that 
clan of Connecticut Indians. Of his family little is known. 
He was an aged man in 1738 when he and two sons, " Tomoch- 
am Jun' " and "John Tomocham," signed a document declar- 
ing their loyalty to Sachem Ben Uncas, and probably he died 
soon thereafter. Joshua Ockham, another and doubtless 
older son, was then living about a mile north of Uncas Hill, 
near the place where his famous son, Samson, afterwards built 
his house, and by the latter's testimony his "father was the 
first that ever lived there." Here in the course of time an 
Indian village sprang up, which in the wider fame of the place 
was called Mohegan. In the tribal quarrel between Ben and 
John Uncas, rivals for the sachemship, this village became 
known as " Ben's town" in distinction from " John's town," which 
was situated about one-half mile south of it, both being east 
of the road from Norwich to New London. In the wigwam of 
Joshua Ockham the son Samson was born in the year 1723, on 
a certain day which our hero never knew. His mother's name 
was Sarah and she is said to have been a descendant of the 
famous Mohegan chief, Uncas. ^ This may have been true, not- 
withstanding the statement of her son that she was a Groton 
Indian, and on account of her marriage had been adopted 
into the Mohegan tribe. Uncas himself was a Pequot, as were 
the Indians of Groton, and he had descendants whose names 
do not appear in the royal genealogy. Occom's references to 
the Wauby family as his kindred and particularly to Roger 
Wauby lead us to conjecture that these were relatives on his 
mother's side, and that her maiden name was either Wauby or 

2 Life and Times of Selina, Cou7iiess of Huntingdon, I, 411 


Sampson. At all events she was above the average as an 
Indian mother in intelligence, industry and affection. When 
in due time she became a convert to the Christian faith and a 
member of the church, she exercised a powerful influence 
over the life and character of her son. There were at least 
four children in the family, though Joshua, the eldest, may have 
been a son of Ockham by a former marriage. Sarah had Sam- 
son, Jonathan, who outlived the experiences of the French 
War and the Revolution in which he was a soldier, and Lucy, 
who became a woman of pious character, married John Tan- 
taquidgeon, and died in 1830 at the age of ninety-eight."* The 
father of this family was a " mighty hunter," wandering abroad 
during the season of the chase and returning to Mohegan 
when the winter snows began to fall. On the ist of July, 
1742, the sachem, Ben Uncas, made choice of twelve coun- 
cilors and among them were Joshua Ockham and his son Sam- 
son, then only nineteen years of age. This is the last trace 
we have of the father, and in a memorial to the General 
Assembly, May 17, 1743, it is stated that all these councilors 
were living " except onely Joshua Aucom who is lately dead."' 
Thus the home which had only been a humble hunter's wig- 
wam at Mohegan was broken up and the care of the family 
fell to " Widow Sarah Occom." Twenty-five years later, when 
Samson Occom was thinking of preparing an autobiography, 
he wrote a few pages concerning his early life which have 
been preserved.*"^ In this manuscript he speaks thus of his 
heathen home : 

I was Born a Heathen and Brought up in Heathenism till I was 
between 16 and 17 years of age, at a Place Called Mohegan, in New Lon- 
don, Connecticut in New England. My Parents lived a wandering life as 

* Her daughter Lucy married Peter Teecomwas, and she and her daughter, Cynthia 
Hoscott, gave the land on which the Mohegan chapel is built. Bostonian, Marcli, 

1895, P- 679- , 

^Conn. Archives, Iiuliniis, I, 248, 249. 
^Wheelock Papers, Dartmouth College, MS., Sept. 17, 1768. 



did all the Indians at Mohegan. They Chiefly Depended upon Hunting, 
Fishing and Fowling for their Living and had no connection with the 
English, excepting to Traffic with them in their small trifles and they 
strictly maintained and followed their Heathenish ways, customs and Reli- 
gion. Neither did we cultivate our Land nor keep any Sort of Creatures, 
except Dogs which we used in Hunting, and we Dwelt in Wigwams. 
These are a sort of Tent, covered with Matts made of Flags. And to this 
Time we were unacquainted with the English Tongue in general, though 
there were a few who understood a little of it. 

There is no doubt that at the time of Occom's birlh the 
Mohegans were heathen. Rev. James Fitch of Norwich had, 
indeed, long before endeavored to Christianize some of them.' 
This was in 1671, when he gathered a few in his own house 
once a fortnight and delivered to them a lecture on Christian 
doctrines. At first he was encouraged by Uncas and his son 
Oweneco ; but as they became familiar with the demands 
which the new religion made upon their lives they resisted his 
efforts. The General Court moved the commissioners of the 
United Colonies as agents of the missionary society to assist 
him, which they did. It also announced its purpose to favor 
those who would listen to their teacher. Fitch had a com- 
pany of about thirty in 1674, which was increased to forty the 
year following. In the hope of getting them to live together 
in one place he is said to have gjven them three hundred 
acres of land. All his efforts, however, came to little, though 
we cannot say what might have been but for King Philip's 
War. He died in 1702. Nothing further was attempted until 
17 13, when Rev. Experience Mayhevv of Martha's Vineyard, 
at the desire of the commissioners, set out from Chilmark on 
the 1 2th of October to make a tour among the Indians of 
southern New England. On the 21st of September, 17 14, he 
started on a second tour. The journals of both are in print. ^ 

' DeForest's Indians of Connecticut, pp. 274-279; Co)iti. Col. Rec, II, 157, 158; 
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, vol. i, pp. 191, 192, 208, 209 ; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Nov., 
1879 ; Nezv England Company, p. 44 ; and Conn. Archives, Indians, I, 33. 

^ New England Company, London, 1896, pp. 97-127. 



He was accompanied in the former as. far as the Narragansett 
country by William Simons, an Indian minister of Dartmouth, 
who had been ordained by Japhet of Martha's Vineyard.'' 
After a short stay at Ninegret's settlement he passed on to 
Stonington, whence he was conducted by Rev. James Noyes 
and others to the Pequot reservation. Here he had a meet- 
ing a few days later with all he could gather of the tribe. 
Thence he went to New London, thinking to arrange a meet- 
ing with the Mohegans. In this he failed, the Indians being 
off hunting, but he wrote an address "to the Mohegin and 
Nahantick Indians" informing them of the object of hi^ visit, 
which Governor Saltonstall communicated to them later. On 
his second tour he visited the Pequots at North Stonington 
and Groton, being assisted by their overseer, Captain James 
Avery, who could act as his interpreter. At this time he went 
to Mohegan, where the Indians were gathered in a large 
double wigwam in the presence of Major Ben Uncas, uncle of 
the sachem, Caesar, and, in an address an hour and a half long, 
Mayhew commended unto them the Christian religion. He 
received their thanks for the interest of the English ; but as 
for their religion the Indians denied the necessity of it, pleaded 
that they had their own way of worship, declared that in Fitch's 
time their fathers had found it too hard, and asserted that the 
English were no better for it, as they would cheat the Indians 
of their land just the same. So he left them, having some 
hopes in further efforts to be made by Governor Saltonstall 
and Rev. Eliphalet Adams. It was doubtless to this occasion 
that Cotton Mather referred when he wrote in 1715 : "There 

"Japhet was born at Chilmark about 163S, and was ordained by Hiacoomes in 
1683, as teacher of the first Indian church of Martha's Vineyard, and the successor of 
Tackanash, the associate of Hiacoomes. He ordained WiUiani Simons in 1695. 
Both of them had preached some to Wamsuttan's company of Rhode Island Indians. 
Japhet died July 29, 1712, and Simons continued the work at intervals. See Report 
of 1698, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, vol. x, p. 129; Mayhew's Indian Converts, pp. 10, 
15? 44- 


has been Something done to Christianize the Mohegins, and 
other Indians in the Colony of Connecticut; but, Lord, who 
has believed ! They have been obstinate in their Paganism ; 
however their obstinacy has not put an End unto our 
Endeavours." 1'^ One incident of these tours is worthy of note, 
namely, Mayhew's acquaintance with Joseph and Benjamin 
Garret, the sons of Catapezet (Kottupesit), and grandsons of 
the famous Hermon Garret or Wequash Cook (Wequashcuk). 
The former was his interpreter, his assistant in translating the 
Lord's Prayer into the Pequot tongue and the ally of his 
efforts — "of very good quality among the Indians," who 
"gave him [me] some hopes that he would become a Christian 
himself." Joseph Garret had been chosen by the Niantics of 
Lyme as their sachem, and his daughter was the wife of 
Caesar, sachem of the Mohegans. Mayhew also met his 
brother Benjamin, who understood some English and had a 
son then seven years old whom he was "willing to devote to 
learning that so he may be a minister." That boy became the 
Benjamin Garret of later times, the father of Hannah Fowler, 
who kept the cabin of Samuel Kirkland in Oneida. The ear- 
liest known grand sachem of the Niantics had been Momo- 
joshuck, and here we see the flow of his royal blood through 
his son Hermon Garret, Catapezet, Benjamin Garret, Ben- 
jamin, Jr., Hannah, the wife of David Fowler, who was 
Samson Occom's brother-in-law and companion in the first 
westward mission from Connecticut, James Fowler, a judge 
in the Indian Peacemaker's Court, David Fowler, the hon- 
ored deacon of their church, to Lathrop Fowler, the intelli- 
gent American citizen. But we anticipate our story. 

The greatest good which resulted from Mayhew's tours was 
the new interest he awakened in Indian missions in southern 
New England. Governor Saltonstall and his pastor, Rev. 
Eliphalet Adams, were especially aroused to their duties. His 

^° Mather's Just Commemorations, p. 53. 



Excellency gave himself to a careful examination of the condi- 
tions, and communicated his interest to the General Assembly 
of Connecticut. That body, in May, 17 17, recorded its belief 
that something should be done toward "gospelizing the 
Indians," and referred the matter to the governor and council. 
At the next session the governor proposed certain measures to 
that end, the most important of which was that the Indians 
should be gathered in villages '* where they might have dis- 
tinct properties and these secured to the use of their respect- 
ive families," and might receive instruction from a school- 
master." These measures were duly enacted, and village life 
among the Mohegans and the Connecticut tribes generally 
dates from that time. 

The very year of Occom's birth Captain John Mason, the 
guardian of the Mohegans, who had some acquaintance with 
their language, received permission from the General Assem- 
bly to live among them, and it was recommended that he set 
up a school and acquaint the Indians with the Christian 
religion. -^^ This he attempted with the assistance of the 
assembly, under the patronage of the " Society for Propagat- 
ing the Gospel," which thereafter maintained such privileges 
as they had. Probably at first he taught a few children in his 
own hut; but in 1727 a schoolhouse was occupied and he was 
established as schoolmaster. This building was an unpreten- 
tious one, only twenty-two feet by sixteen, and had been 
erected by the colony at a cost of ^60.^=^ The following year 
his pupils were examined by two neighboring ministers, 
Eliphalet Adams of New London and Benjamin Lord of 
Norwich. It was found that they could "spell very prettily," 
and some could read "pretty tolerably without spelling" from 
their primers and psalters. "They could say the Lord's 

" Conn. Archives. Indians, I, 86; Conn. Col. Rec, VI, 15, 31, 32. 

12 Conn. Col. Rec, VI, 429. 

13 Conn. Col. Rec, VII, 7s ; Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV, S2, ^1,, 389, 390. 


Prayer, the Ten commandments and a pretty deal in Mr. 
Cotton's Catechism Milk for Babes. "^* This was not very 
advanced education, but under the circumstances it was 
encouraging. Captain Mason kept this school for about 
seven years, when a revival of the Mohegan land troubles 
turned the Indians against him and the school was discon- 
tinued. During this time also Rev. Eliphalet Adams was 
employed by the missionary society to deliver occasional 
lectures among them, following the Puritan example of John 
Eliot. As a means of religious instruction these may not 
have been very fruitful, but they made the Indians acquainted 
with one of the foremost ministers of the region — one whom 
they loved and trusted, and who ever remained their firm 
friend. To him more than any other individual the mainte- 
nance of educational and Christianizing privileges at Mohegan 
was due. He was always consulted by the missionary society, 
and his judgment was received without question. 

One of Mason's pupils was the young Ben Uncas, the third 
of the name, only son of the sachem. He proved to be so 
proficient that in 1729 he was taken into Mr. Adams's home, 
and for five years he remained under his care, being in 1731 
about to be " put upon grammar learning " to qualify him for 
a preacher, which he and his family wished. ^^ In the summer 
of 1734 he was brought by Rev. Oliver Peabody to his home 
in Natick, and on the 14th of November was apprenticed to 
Thomas Russell of Sherburn, cardwainer. He did not remain 
throughout his full term, however, but was sent for in 1737 in 
pursuance of a political purpose, and married to Ann, daughter 
of the late Sachem Casar.^^ 

Here we may see how those lingering influences of John 
Eliot at Natick were propagated at Mohegan. At Mason's 

1* Conn. Archives, College and Schools, I, 69; Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV, 107-112. 
15 MS. Rec. Soc. for Prop. Cos. 

^''' Ibid.; Conn. Archives, Indians, I, 236 ; Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., \ , 204 ; Mohegan 
Case, p. 210. 


request a Christian Indian of that town, Thomas Pegun by 
name, was sent to the Mohegans in 1732 "to introduce among 
them family worship and the observation of the Lord's Day," 
and the Natick missionary. Rev. Oliver Peabody, visited them 
a few weeks later, bringing back such a report to the commis- 
sioners of the missionary society that it was decided to send 
a minister to labor there. After some search for a proper 
person, Mr. Jonathan Barber of Springfield was appointed at a 
salary of i^ioo a year, and about the middle of August, 1733, 
he commenced his work.^^ He was a licensed preacher, and 
began at once to gather the Indians for religious instruction. 
When Mr. Peabody in 1734 took the young Uncas to his 
home, he had been at Mohegan to encourage this mission. 
He made a favorable report, and everything seemed promis- 
ing. Mr. Adams continued his lectures, and supervised the 
work in behalf of the society. In 1736 an attempt was made 
to revive the school under one Samuel Avery as master, but 
after one year he was displaced for neglect, and the school 
was put under the charge of Mr. Barber. Meanwhile, how- 
ever, the controversy between the Indians and Captain Mason 
had been increasing animosities. Unfortunately their teacher 
seemed to the Indians to side with Mason against them, and 
his early influence waned. The children would not attend 
school, and their parents refused to hear their enemy preach. 
So the mission failed, and Barber was dismissed by the society 
June 22, 1738. 

"Jonathan Barber was born in West Springfield, Mass., Jan. 31, 1712-13, being 
the son of Thomas and Sarah, (Ball) Barber. He graduated at Yale College in 
1730, studied theology, and was licensed to preach by the Hampshire County Asso- 
ciation. He labored a short time among the Indians at Agawam, Mass., before he 
went to Mohegan. After his dismissal in 1738, he preached at Oyster Ponds, L. I., 
and was in 1740 made superintendent of Whitefield's Orphan House in Georgia. 
He returned to Long Island in 1747, and was ordained at Oyster Ponds. Nov. y, 
1757, by the Suffolk Presbytery, Rev. Ebenezer Prime preaching the sermon, which 
is in print. On Nov. 3, 1758, he was installed pastor of the Congregational Church 
in Groton, Conn., where he labored until 1765, when he became insane. His princi- 


These attempts to civilize the Mohegans did not make any 
impression upon the youth, Samson Occom. In the manu- 
script already referred to, he gives the following pithy account 
of them : 

Once a Fortnight in ye Summer Season a Minister from New London 
[Rev. Eliphalet Adams] used to come up and the Indians to attend ; not 
that they regarded the Christian Religion, but they had Blankets given to 
them every Fall of the year and for these things they would attend. And 
there was a Sort of a School Kept, when I was quite young, but I believe 
there never was one that ever Learnt to read anything. And when I was 
about ten years of age there was a man [Jonathan Barber] who went about 
among the Indian Wigwams, and wherever he could find the Indian Children 
would make them read, but the Children used to take Care to keep out of 
his Way : and he used to Catch me some times and make me Say over my 
Letters and I believe I learnt some of them. But this was Soon over too, 
and all this Time there was not one amongst us that made a Profession of 

The most prominent friend of the Christian religion during 
this period was the sachem, Ben Uncas, 2d. Whatever his 
motive may have been, and however much his subsequent 
conversion may be questioned, he was certainly favorable to 
the introduction of Christianity into his tribe. So early as 
1729, when he sent his son to live with Rev. Eliphalet Adams, 
he expressed the desire to have his children instructed in the 
Christian religion. His interest increased. At his request 
the missionary had been sent to Mohegan, and the testimony 
at that time was that he had been " of late greatly reformed," 
and both he and his wife had begun to learn to read. In 1736 
he made a declaration of his acceptance of Christianity, at 
which the General Assembly expressed their satisfaction, and 
presented him with a hat and greatcoat — on more than one 

pal delusion was that he was a leper. In 1768 his pastorate was dissolved, but he 
lived on at Groton, dying Oct. 8, 1783. He married Nov. 2, 1740, Sarah Noyes, 
daughter of Rev. James Noyes of Westerly, and granddaughter of the Stonington 
minister. She was born Nov. 17, 1714, and died May 30, 1761. They had nine 
children. — Dexter's Yale Biographies, I, 410, 411. 


occasion the attire in which the fathers arrayed their Indian 
converts for the heavenly course. ^^ This event more than any 
other gave occasion for the action of the General Assembly in 
May, 1736, noting the revival of Indian missions, and ordering 
a general collection therefor in the churches on the next 
Thanksgiving Day. 

Mr. Adams se^ms to have had confidence in the sachem's 
sincerity, and on the 31st of October, 1742, upon their making 
" profession of the Christian faith," he baptized " Benjamin 
Uncas, sachem of the Mohegan Indians, and his son Benjamin 
with his wife Ann also Lucy Uncas," whose names were duly 
entered in the records of the First Church of New London.^'' 
Probably they did not thus become communicants, for it had 
long been customary to baptize Indians who professed 
Christianity. So far as we know, however, this sachem lived 
a reformed and creditable life. He died in 1749, and his will, 
like that of the white man, recommended his soul to God, 
" trusting in Christ for the free and full pardon of all his 
sins."^*' The son who succeeded him was Adams' pupil. In 
1739, after an examination in which his proficiency had been 
proven, he had been placed in the schoolmaster'^? chair at 
Mohegan. We know^ nothing about the school he kept, but 
he was no doubt successful, as he remained in charge for 
nearly ten years and his salary was increased by the mission- 
ary society to ^^"80 a year. Now the time had come for him 
to surrender the school for the sachemship. Thus the chief 

'^ Conn. Col. Rec, VIII, 72, 72, ; C^^'^- ^''^- ^''- ^^^^•' ^^'' 354 ; and T/ic Church 
Review, Hartford, November, 1X98. 

r^Lucy Uncas married, Oct. 23, 1744, Samuel Pye. Two younger children of the 
sachem, Esther and Mary, and a son of Ben. Uncas, Jr., Benjamin, were baptized at 
the same time. Other children of the sachem's son were baptized as follows : May 
I 1741;, " Benjamin Uncas Jr. child Ann and his wife her child Mary;" Aug. 13, 
1744, Josiah; April 10, 1748, Esther; April 23, 1750, " Isaiah-Mercy child Mercy." 
The first wife Ann died before 1750, and Ben. Uncas, Jr., married Mercy, who sur- 
vived him. 

20 DeForest's Indians of Connecticut, pp. 447, 448- 


of the Mohegans, during the next quarter-century, was both a 
nominal adherent to Christianity and a missionary school- 

Another important factor in Mohegan affairs was the North 
Church of New London, now in the town of Montville*. Here, 
in 1739, Rev. David Jewett was settled as minister.-^ He inter- 
ested himself from the first in the condition of his Indian 
neighbors. An attempt had been made before his coming to 
remove the meeting-house one mile to the eastward, nearer the 
Indian settlement, and unite them in one parish with the Eng- 
lish, the " Society for Propagating the Gospel " to contribute the 
share of the Indians. This plan was favored by the commis- 
sioners, but it failed, for the location of a meeting-house was 
always a troublesome question and much more so under these 
conditions. However, the young minister felt a responsibility 
in the matter and had a sincere desire to do what he could for 
the heathen at his door. 

When Mr. Jewett had been settled about a year, the great 
religious awakening of the time began. It is unnecessary to 
give here an account of this movement. The Mohegan 
Indians were located in the midst of a region where its impres- 
sions were most positive. It was the day of Rev. George 
Whitefield, who felt so keenly the power of a missionary 
motive and imbued his followers with the same spirit. Some 
ministers of eastern Connecticut had already met him. In the 
spring of 1741 Rev. Gilbert Tennent visited New London and 
preached there and at Lyme. Soon after him there came Rev. 
James Davenport, the enthusiast, who labored earnestly in the 

2^ David Jewett was born in Rowley, Mass.. June 10, 1714, being the son of Stephen 
Jewett. He had a twin brother Daniel. After his graduation at Harvard College in 
1736, he studied theology and was ordained pastor of the North Church in New Lon- 
don (Montville), Oct. 3, 1739. In 1756 he was chaplain of a Connecticut regiment 
raised for the expedition to Crown Point. He married (i) Patience Philips of 
Boston, who died Nov. 14, 1773, aged 66, and (2) Mary, widow of William Prince, 
who survived him. He died in office June 5, 1783. 



neighborhood and stirred up the ministers, particularly con- 
cerning their obligations to the Indians, many of whom went 
to hear him preach. The desire of Mr. Jewett was kindled to 
a flame. Davenport's brother-in-law% Rev. Eleazar Wheelock 
of Lebanon Crank, the Second or North Parish of the town, 
now Columbia, Rev, Jonathan Parsons of Lyme, Rev. Ben- 
jamin Pomeroy of Hebron, and other ministers thereabouts 
were deeply moved. Thus it happened that the way was pre- 
pared for the subsequent missionary enterprise of Dr. Whee- 
lock. His neighbors were born into the same interest. As 
friends of Whitefield they made him a friend to their Indians. 
He afterwards visited the locality more than once, and in 1745 
he held a great meeting of Indians at Mohegan.-^ The result- 
ing evangelistic efforts were not confined to that tribe. Min- 
isters labored among the Pequots at Groton and Stonington, 
the Western Niantics in Lyme, and the Eastern Niantics or 
Narragansetts in Charlestown, Rhode Island. Of these we 
shall speak more particularly later ; we now note that the foun- 
dations of this work were laid in the "Great Awakening." 

The people of Mr. Jewett's parish shared in this new inter- 
est in the Indians. The movement for a union was revived, 
but again nothing was effected. In 1742 an effort was made 
to settle a minister at Mohegan over the Indians, but this also 
failed. The result was that the Indians came under Mr. Jew- 
ett's pastoral care, for which he was paid by the missionary 
society. Bibles, psalters, primers and catechisms were 
secured and distributed among them. Such as were inter- 
ested attended worship at his church. In the course of time 
some who gave good evidence of fitness were admitted to 
fellowship with his people, and among them was the Widow 
Sarah Occom.-'^ 

22 Caulkins' History of Norwich, p. 321 . 

23 These members were as follows: Cyrus Junco and his wife; Sarah J unco and 

Lucy Junco, sisters to Cyrus ; Widow Shokket ; Peggy ; Henry Cocquid ; Joshua 

Nonesuch and Hannah Nonesuch: Andrew Tantapah : Joseph Tanner; Widow 




Samson Occom was converted, according to the testimony of 
Doctor Wheelock, "by the blessing of God on the labors of 
Rev. Mr. Davenport." The account of his experience can be 
best given in his own words : 

When I was i6 years of age, we heard a strange Rumor among the 
English that there were extraordinary Ministers Preaching from Place to 
Place and a Strange Concern among the White People. This was in the 
Spring of the .Year. But we saw nothing of these things till Some Time in 
the Summer, when Some ministers began to yisit us and Preach the Word 
of God; and the Common People also came frequently and exhorted us to 
the things of God which it pleased the Lord, as I humbly hope, to Bless and 
accompany with Divine Influences to the Conviction and Saving Conver- 
sion of a Number of us, amongst whom I was one that was Impresst with 
the things we had heard. These Preachers did not only come to us, but we 
frequently went to their meetings and Churches. After I was convicted I 
went to al Ithe meetings I could come at, & continued under Trouble of 
Mind about 6 months, at which time I began to Learn the English Letters, 
got me a Primer and used to go to my English Neighbours frequently for 
Assistance in Reading, but went to no School. And when I was 17 years 
of age I had, as I trust, a Discovery of the way of Salvation through Jesus 
Christ and was enabled to put my trust in him alone for Life & Salvation. 
From this Time the Distress and Burden of my mind was removed, and I 
found Serenity and Pleasure of Soul in Serving God. By this time I just 
began to Read in the New Testament without Spelling, and I had a 
Stronger Desire Still to Learn to read the Word of God, and at the Same 
Time had an uncommon Pity & Compassion to my Poor Brethren Accord- 
ing to the Flesh. I used to wish I was Capable of Instructing my poor Kin- 
dred. I used to think if I could once Learn to Read I would Instruct the 
poor Children in Reading and used frequently to talk with our Indians Con- 
cerning Religion. Thus I continued till I was in my 19th year, and by this 
Time I could Read a little in the P.ible. 

It was at such a crisis in the life of this Mohegan youth that 
he came under the influence of Rev. Eleazar Wheelock of Leb- 
anon, who became his instructor and friend — a relationship 

Bette Occom; Lizze Nimrod; Lucy Cochegan ; Widow Anna Uncas ; John Nan- 
nipoon and Hannah Nannipoon ; Sarah Occom ; Anna Uncas, wife of the sachem ; 
Widow Hannah Cooper, and Samuel Ashpo. — Manual of the First Congregati >nal 
Churchy Montville, Conn., 1875, p. 19. 



which was no less important in the career of the teacher tlian 
in that of the Indian pupil. The biography of this minister 
has been fully written and must be sought elsewhere.^'* A few 
facts will tell his story to this date. He was born in Wind- 
ham, Conn., April 22, 17 11, being the son of Deacon Ralph 
Wheelock, a farmer in that town, and Ruth, daughter of Mr. 
Christopher Huntington of Norwich. Having become a Chris- 
tian at the age of sixteen, he entered Yale College with the 
design of preparing himself for the ministry. After his gradu- 
ation in 1733, he studied theology, was licensed to preach in 
1734, and on the 4th of June, 1735, was ordained as pastor of 
the Second Congregational Church of Lebanon. The same 
year he married Sarah, daughter of Rev. John Davenport of 
Stamford, Conn., and widow of Captain William Maltby, after 
whose death, in 1746, he married Mary Brinsmead of Milford, 
Conn. By his first wife he had six children, among them his 
son Ralph, and by his second wife, five, among whom were Mary 
and Abigail, whose husbands. Prof. Bezaleel Woodward and 
Prof. Silvanus Ripley, became assistants in his work, and his 
son John, who followed him in the presidency of Dartmouth 
College. We are thus introduced evidently to the home of a 
Connecticut minister, where learning, piety and culture were 
bred. The father was a superior scholar. He had also the 
teacher's gift, which inspired the youth about him with zeal 
in their studies. In addition to his pastoral duties and occa- 
sional labors in revivals, he had found time to instruct a few 
pupils gathered in his family. Of his personal appearance, his 
biographer has said: "He was of a middle stature and size, 
well proportioned, erect and dignified. His features were 
prominent, his eyes a light blue and animated. His complex- 
ion was fair, and the general expression of his countenance 
pleasing and handsome. His voice was remarkably full, har- 

2< McClure's Memoirs of Wheelock ; Chase's Hist, of Dartmouth College; Dexter's 
Yale Biographies, I, 493-499 ; and Sprague's /4«;/a/j, I, 397-403. 


monious, and commanding."^^ This description, however, does 
not make mention of that personal magnetism which was char- 
acteristic of him as a teacher. The Indians especially felt the 
power of this gift and remarked upon it. His winsome pres- 
ence impressed them. Savage natures sometimes came easily 
under his control. A desire for a new life was awakened 
within them by his tender words. Thus they became attached 
to him, and in this friendship between teacher and pupil is ta 
be found in large measure the secret of his success. Surely in 
the home of this minister an ambitious young Indian could 
hope to find his opportunity. 

It has been generally supposed that Doctor Wheelock dug 
Samson Occom as a rough diamond from the earth. Evidently 
this was not the case. It was already glittering before he met 
with it. We have Occom's own account of the way their 
acquaintance came about. In his manuscript he says: 

At this time my Poor Mother was going to Lebanon, and having had 
some knowledge of Mr. Wheelock and Learning that he had a number of 
English Youth under his Tuition I had a great Inclination to go to him and 
to be with him a week or a Fortnight, and Desired my Mother to Ask Mr. 
Wheelock whether he would take me a little while to Instruct me in Read- 
ing. Mother did so, and when she came Back, she said Mr. Wheelock 
wanted to see me as soon as possible. So I went up thinking I should be 
back again in a few Days. When I got up there, he received me with kind- 
ness & compassion, & instead of staying a Fortnight or 3 weeks, I spent 4 
years with him. 

It should be said to the honor of Doctor Wheelock, the 
father of Indian missionaries, that he thus, without hope of 
remuneration or other aim than to do good, took this young 
Mohegan into his care and home. It proved to be an event 
in the history of Indian missions. In listening with compas- 
sion to the plea of this mother who stood at his door, he was 
hearing a cry from Macedonia. A man less benevolent or 
sympathetic or appreciative of the value of education would 

-° McClure's Memoirs of Wheelock, p. 131. 


have hesitated. Wheelock opened the door and a youth who 
was to become the foremost of his race entered with a new 
hope. So it was Occom who sought out Wheelock and not 
Wheelock who sought out Occom. 

The teacher recognized at once the slumbering talents of 
his pupil. He began with patience and wisdom to develop 
them. The youth's progress was encouraging. He had his 
reading lessons from the Bible and thus advanced at the same 
time in Christian knowledge. In writing he copied passages 
set for him by his teacher. One specimen of that early time 
has been preserved among the Wheelock Papers at Dartmouth 
College, and is reproduced underneath his portrait in our 
frontispiece. On the sheet the pupil had wTitten the Lord's 
Prayer in Latin, Greek and French, and then, as school-boys 
are w^ont to do, he inscribed on the reverse in his best pen- 
manship " Samson Occom, The Indian of Mohegan, Ejus 
Manus." It was customary at that time to begin early with 
the study of the classics. The young Indian was soon en- 
gaged in Latin, attempting to compose sentences in that lan- 
guage. So the days went by. Occom became acquainted with 
family life in the Wheelock home and its refining infiuences 
were a great blessing to him. As he was associated with 
other pupils he noted the deficiencies of his heathen training 
and was quick to profit by the examples set before him. It is 
known that he soon became a member of Doctor Wheelock's 
church, but the church rolls are lost which recorded the date 
of his profession of faith, as that of other Indian pupils in 
later years. A few names have been recovered from the min- 
ister's manuscripts. 

It was the 6th of December, 1743, when Samson C)ccom 
went thus to live with Doctor Wheelock. He was then 
twenty years of age. On that day he began to keep a diary, 
which he wrote in an easy and distinct hand — a practice which 
he continued throughout his life, though parts of it are not 


known to be extant ^^ which would be of great interest. He 
seems to have had in mind at first mainly his own pleasure 
and profit ; but later when he became a beneficiary of the 
" Society for Propagating the Gospel " it was necessary for him 
to keep some account of his life upon which to make report. 
In his subsequent missionary labors this was insisted on, and 
to this fact we owe much information concerning his career. 
He naturally chronicles more particularly his journeys to and 
fro, the meetings he attended, his sermon texts and the like. 
We have to thank him for the omission of the tedious medita- 
tions so commonly found in ministers' diaries of that time ; 
but we should have been grateful for more details of his obser- 
vations among the various Indian tribes he visited, the condi- 
tion of frontier settlements and withal for an opportunity of 
studying more closely this most remarkable Indian character. 
However, we are able thus to follow him through many criti- 
cal periods of his life. 

As we have stated, Doctor Wheelock took Occom into his 
home without any expectation of receiving assistance in his 
support. The widowed mother could not contribute anything 
except possibly her own labor. She may have attempted to 
do this, as Indian women frequently did in English families, 
for the son made this entry in his diary under February 23, 
1744-45 : " Mater mea et Duo Libri Ejus Venierunt ad Domi- 
num Wheelock manere ibi Tempori." There is a tradition at 
Columbia that Occom lived some of the time in a hut which 
he built in the woods some distance from the minister's home. 
This is not unlikely. Soon the teacher acquainted some of 

2'' The following parts are at Dartmouth College: Dec. 6, 1743-Nov. 29, 1748; 
June 21, 1750-Feb. 9, 1751 ; June 28, 1757-Sept. 7, 1760; May 30, 1761-July 7, 
1761; Nov. 21, 1765-July 23, 1766; July 8, 1774-Aug. 14,1774; May 8, 1784-April 
26, 1785; May I, 1785-Oct. 2, 1785 ; Oct. 4, 1785-Dec. 4, 1785 ; Dec. 5, i 785-Jan. 
22, 1786; June 26,4 786-Nov. 13,1786; Dec. 11, 1786-April 7, 1787; April 7, 1787- 
July 3, 1787; Sept. 20, 1787-Dec. 4, 1787; Dec. 10, 1787-Aug. 9, 1788; May u, 
1789-Sept. 18, 1789. The Connecticut Historical Society has one part, July 5, 1787 
to Sept. i6, 1787. 



his friends with the case and his benevolent purpose, which 
resulted in some contributions, mostly of clothes — " Some old 
and some new clothes," in the language of the recipient. 
Finally the "Society for Propagating the Gospel" became in- 
terested, and in 1745 the commissioners granted an allowance 
of £(iO old tenor per annum for his maintenance. This they 
continued while he was pursuing his studies. During one 
year, 1744-45, on account of circumstances in Mr. Wheelock's 
home, the school was kept at Hebron by Alexander Phelps, 
who had just graduated from Yale College. His course was 
also interrupted from time to time by journeys to visit the 
Indians at Longmeadow, Windham, Niantic, Groton and Long 
Island, among whom he held meetings with an evangelistic 
purpose. One reason for this was doubtless the necessity for 
relief from constant study, to which he had not been accus- 
tomed. Indeed he at length so overstrained his eyes by his 
earnest application to his books that he was unable to take 
the course which had been designed in preparation for the 
ministry. On the lOth of November, 1747, after nearly four 
years of instruction, he left Lebanon to take charge of a school 
in some part ^of New London. This he taught during the 
winter. In the following spring, by the ^advice of the neigh- 
boring ministers with whom he was a protege, and with the 
encouragement of the missionary society, he came under the 
care of Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy of Hebron, that he might be 
further instructed, particularly in Hebrew. How much of this 
language he actually acquired we do not know. It is said, 
however, that he was able to translate passages with ease, and 
his Hebrew Bible, which has survived, bears some evidences 
of use,-^ After nearly a year of such study it became evident 

2' Benedict Theological Library, First Church, Plainfield, Conn. The Bible is in 
two volumes, printed at Amsterdam in 1705. The covers of deerskin were doubt- 
less Occom's own work. At some time, and probably after the owner's death, the 
volumes came into the hands of Rev. Joel Benedict, D. D., of Plainfield, by whom 
they were given with his library to the church. They were deposited in the library 



that his eyes would not permit him to take a college course. 
Still it was hoped that he might study theology under some 
minister, and Rev. Solomon Williams, of Lebanon, was solicited 
by the missionary society to undertake this service. He would 
have done so, being always a faithful friend, but unfortunately 
just at this time, in the winter of 1748-49, Occom was compelled 
by his health to give up all study for a time. This proved to 
be the last of his education except such as he acquired by him- 
self. He had foreseen for some time that such would be the 
result, and though it somewhat depressed his spirits, he was 
not without hope that he might find some field in which to 
labor for his degraded people. His restless ambition had not 
been quenched. A missionary zeal was still aflame in his 
soul. Probably it received an additional impulse when, in 
November, 1748, he visited the Christian Indians at Natick, 
and heard from Deacon Ephraim, with whom he lodged, the 
story of John Eliot's labors. He must then have learned 
about that famous Indian town, its founding and earlier use- 
fulness, and have seen but too clearly the evidences of its 
decay. We may wonder whether that visit was not the means 
of suggesting to him the Indian town which he established 
years afterwards. It must at least have set him to thinking 
upon the problem of civilizing his people in New England, 
who were being hemmed in on all sides by the whites. 

As to the education which Samson Occom had thus ac- 
quired it is not possible to speak as one might now, after the 
completion of a course of study in our schools. He certainly 
had an ample preparation for Yale College, whither it was pro- 
posed to send him. Rev. Samuel Buell says of him : He made 
such "Progress in Learning that he was so well fitted for 
Admittance into College (which was designed) that he doubt- 

of the Connecticut Historical Society for safe keeping in 185 1, and were reclaimed in 
1890. Occom's Hebrew Grammar is in Dartmouth College Library— the work by 
Judah Monis, Boston, N. E., printed by Jonas Green in 1735. ^^ ^'^'^ evidently used 
by Occom in 174S. 



less would have entered upon his Second year at his first 
admission."^* His knowledoje of the languages and mathe- 
matics was probably limited to what he learned in Doctor 
Wheelock's family school. He is known also to have studied 
music, which was a daily exercise in the minister's home. In 
his letters and sermons he shows a familiarity with English 
grammar and composition which it was difficult for an Indian 
to acquire. Yet it must not be supposed that Occom was a 
scholar judged by present standards, or even by the English 
youth of his day. His main attainment was a knowledge of 
the Scriptures, which he had studied with a living interest. 
He had not gathered any treasures of theology with which to 
fill his discourses ; but he understood and held with intel- 
lectual vigor and clearness the principal doctrines of the 
Christian faith. In these it had been his teacher's aim to 
establish him. This was the education which was demanded 
in his life's mjssion. With his native aptitude at illustrating 
these truths he was fitted to become a useful teacher among 
his brethren. 

-* Buell's Sertnon at the Ordination of Occom ; Letter, p. vii. 



The eastern extremity of Long Island, known as Montauk, 
has been from time immemorial a favorite resort of Indians. 
Its famous fishing and hunting grounds made subsistence 
easy, and in the season attracted the natives from a distance. 
Here the Montauk tribe, well known in the early history of 
the New England Indians, made their home. It was their 
privilege, about the middle of the eighteenth century, to live 
at large on the lands anciently possessed by, the tribe, but 
they seemed to have a particular title to a tract west of the 
Great Pond, called "North Neck," and to another east of the 
same called " Indian Field," which now is only peopled with 
lonely graves. In 1741 a census was taken of these Indians, 
and they were reported to comprise thirty-two families and 
one hundred and sixty-two souls, which is about the same as a 
statement made by Rev. Solomon Williams to Secretary 
Willard ten years later.^ The prominent families had then 
assumed surnames such as Pharaoh, Fowler, Peter and 
Charles. Except in a few cases they were unable to speak 
the English language, and lived according to their heathen 
customs. Since 1741 some missionary service had been done 
among them at intervals by Rev. Azariah Horton, who was 
principally engaged with the Shinnecock Indians under the 
patronage of the New York correspondents of the " Society in 

^Mass. Hist Soc. Coll., I, vol. x, p. no. MS. Lett., July 24, 1751, in posses- 
sion of Mrs. B. E. Hooker, Hartford. 



Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge."^ He had 
followed in the wake of Rev. James Davenport, already men- 
tioned, who as minister at Southold had occasionally preached 
among the Indians. Mr. Horton's work declined as the years 
passed, notwithstanding his faithfulness, and in 1750 he was 
ready to surrender his field to another. 

In the month of November, 1749, Samson Occom, then in 
his twenty-seventh year, began a work at Montauk as school- 
master, preacher and judge, which continued for nearly twelve 
years. His service was greatly blessed to the permanent 
elevation of some in that tribe who have a prominent place in 
our story. He had previously sought for employment as a 
teacher at Niantic and Narragansett ; but at the former place 
they had a schoolmaster and at the latter they were quite 
indifferent in the matter. Occom had visited Montauk while 
he was yet a pupil at Doctor Wheelock's school. He had 
some acquaintance with the Indians there and their language 
was his own. It chanced, however, that he went thither in the 
summer of 1749, with some of his tribe on a fishing excursion. 
He was something of a fisherman himself; but he was more 
interested in men just then than in the denizens of the 
briny deep. So he left his companions at their employment 
and went among the wigwams to hold meetings. He was 
kindly received and continued some weeks in this service. 
Ere the time came for the party to return, the Indians had 
invited him to come and set up a school among them. The 
only support offered him was such as they could contribute 
themselves, and they were very poor. He immediately com- 

^Azariah Horton was the son of Jonathan and Mary (Tuthill) Horton, and was 
born in the " Old Castle," at Southold, L. I., March 20, 1715. He graduated at 
Yale College in 1735, studied theology, and for a time preached at New Providence, 
N. J. In 1 741 he was ordained by the Presbytery of New York with a view to his 
mission which he began in August of that year. He continued in this work until 
i75i,andthe year following was installed as pastor of the Presbyterian Church in 
South Hanover (Bottle Hill), N. J., where he labored to his death, March 27, i777-— 
Dexter's Yale Biographies, I, 536, 537; Prime's Hist, of L. /., pp. 104-110; and 
Whitaker's Hist, of Southold, pp. 265-269. 


municated with Doctor Wheelock, expressing his fear that the 
commissioners, being displeased at his leaving his studies, 
would not favor his engagement or grant him their assistance. 
On the loth of July, as appears from their records, they had 
" voted that inasmuch as Samson Occom is taken off from his 
studies by a pain in his eyes, Mr. Williams of Lebanon be 
asked to advise in the affair as lo his keeping school or 
engaging in manual labor and on his recovery they would be 
willing' to help him and in the meantime allow what is neces- 
sary toward effecting a cure." In view of this action Doctor 
Wheelock replied to Occom on the 6th of September advising 
him to take the school for six months pending his restoration 
and on. the same sheet Mr. Williams wrote to the same effect.* 
Thereupon Occom agreed with the Indians to return soon and 
teach a school for six months as an experiment. We are thus 
particular because there was a misunderstanding in the matter. 
Occom and his advisers thought the missionary society would 
grant him an allowance in this work, but the commissioners 
were not intending to do so. During the first two years he 
received nothing from them towards his support. Then at the 
earnest solicitation of friends, among them Messrs. Williams 
of Lebanon and Buell of Easthampton, L. I., and upon the 
testimony of Mr. Horton as to the value of his labors, they 
made him a beneficiary of the society. Occom afterwards 
wrote that during his years at Montauk they granted him in 
all ;^i8o. This will explain the trials of his early experiences. 
His circumstances were those of poverty. During the first 
term of six months the Indians gave him besides his board 
£\o York money, to which some English friends added about 
forty shillings. His annual salary from the missionary society 
was only ^20. The young Uncas at Mohegan had received 
three times that sum. We shall not wonder, therefore, at find- 
ing that he became involved in debt, in which the missionary 

^Wheelock Papers, Lett., Sept. 6, 1749. 


society at the entreaty of his friends generously aided him. 
More especially, however, do we refer to this matter because 
Occom always felt that he did not receive an adequate sup- 
port. It seems to have been a sore point with this sensitive 
Indian that white missionaries doing the same service were given 
larger salaries. He thought he ought to receive at least half as 
much as his white brother and expressed himself as "willing 
to leave it with the world as wicked as it is, to decide." The 
saints, however, never came to his view of the matter. They 
gave him such remuneration as they had other native teachers. 
Thus his feelings were wounded by the suspicion that a dis- 
tinction was made against him because of his race. He was 
compelled to toil on, as he did throughout all his days, in pov- 
erty. Sometimes, he says, he was in actual need of the neces- 
saries of life. He had a large measure of Indian pride which 
would not permit him to beg. In consequence he was at 
times diverted from his service to engage in manual labor. 
At the same time it should be said that Occom was not an 
economical manager of his affairs. The Indian instinct was 
strong in him to eat while he had the means and leave the 
future to provide for itself. He profited much by his expe- 
rience in all these respects as he grew in years and became 
settled in the ways of civilized life. 

Yet this inadequate provision for his support at Montauk 
did not discourage him. He took up his work with zeal and 
wisdom. The first winter he gathered about thirty scholars 
into his school, and instructed in the evening such as could 
not attend during the day. As a teacher he was always suc- 
cessful. He had a kindergarten method of his own in teach- 
ing the alphabet. Finding that the children could distinguish 
the letters by ear, but could not so well by sight, he cut let- 
ters out of paper, pasted them on cedar chips, and at his 
word the one named would be brought to him out of the pile. 
Such ingenuity was characteristic of him in his teaching. By 


these means he soon aroused an interest in learning among 
his pupils, and under his native patience they progressed 
rapidly, advancing from the primer to the reading of the Bible. 

In addition to his labors as schoolmaster, he began religious 
ministrations among the Indians, in which he shortly suc- 
ceeded Mr. Horton. On the Sabbath he conducted three 
services for worship, and a wigwam meeting was also held 
every Wednesday evening. In these assemblies he prayed, 
expounded the Scriptures in his native tongue, and led in the 
singing of Christian hymns, which he taught old and young. 
This work was a means of educating him for his missionary 
life. It concentrated his interest in the study of the Bible, 
which was about the only book he then owned. Even in 
1756, Wheelock wrote Whitefield that Occom had " scarce any 
books but what he borrowed," and asked for a copy of Poole's 
Annotations. This was given him, and the same year he 
received from the missionary society a " Commonplace book 
to the Bible," and Cruden's Concordance. As was natural, 
the natives soon came to regard him as their minister. He 
visited their sick and attended their funerals. As they had 
letters to write or legal documents to draw up they went to 
him. So great was their confidence in his character that they 
frequently made him a judge over them to settle matters in 
dispute. This was a similar office to that which Eliot had 
established among his Christian Indians, and possibly Occom 
imitated this custom. Thus he soon attained a great influence 
among all the natives in those parts of Long Island. 

Occom lived while at Montauk in the same simple manner 
as the Indians thereabouts. His home was a wigwam. In 
the summer season it was near the planting-grounds, and in 
the winter he removed with the tribe so as to be near the 
woodland. His household effects were no great embarrass- 
ment to a sudden and easy migration — the simple utensils of 
Indian cookery, a few clothes, well worn, except the suit 


which he reserved for appearances among the whites, the 
dozen books, more or less, which he could easily carry in his 
saddle-bags, and the odds and ends of an Indian's wigwam 
life. All these, to which he doubtless added as he came to 
have a family, he lost at sea afterwards when he removed to 
Mohegan. Many times in his life he had occasion to remark 
upon the " adverse providences " which depleted his store of 
worldly possessions. We read, with some amusement, the seri- 
ous narration of his experiences. He bought a mare with which 
to travel to and fro among his Montauk parishioners, but she 
fell into a quicksand. He purchased another, but some 
rogue stole her from him. The third died of the distemper. 
The fourth had a colt and then broke her leg, and " present- 
ly after the colt died also," whereupon he gave up the attempt 
to maintain such luxury, and traveled afoot. The understand- 
ing when he began 4iis work was that the Indians would take 
turns in providing him with food. Doubtless this plan left 
him to keep too many unappointed fast days, for he tells us 
he was compelled to resort to hunting and fishing to supply 
the necessary food to his family. In both of these ojccupa- 
tions he was expert, and it was well for him on many an occa- 
sion of his life that he was. He also worked in wood, making 
spoons, ladles, gun-stocks, pails, piggins and churijs. A 
tract of land was assigned to him, and this he also tilled, 
sometimes with the assistance of his pupils. In 1755, he tells 
us, he had "four acres of good corn." His most novel 
employment, however, was that of binding old books for the 
English people at Easthampton and other settlements. If 
any of the books of Rev. Samuel Buell have survived, there is 
doubtless, among them a specimen of his work, the value 
of which would be enhanced if it could be identified as from 
this wigwam bookbindery. So he labored, many a time at 
night by the light of a smoking torch, that he might keep the 
wolf from the door. 


After Occom had been at Montauk nearly six months, the 
question arose as to the continuance of his mission there. 
He wrote Doctor Wheelock on the matter, and received the 
following reply : 

[My Dear] Samson 

Yours by the Bearer [came] to my Hand the n'ght before last. I 've 
wrote to Mr. Horton what I know & can say in y"" case of your continuance 
in Y school 6 months longer. I perceive the Hon^*^ Com* are very unwill- 
ing to give up the purpose of your being fitted for the ministry if it may be 
& so is Mr. Wi.liams — & my own disposition you have known has al along 
been so. If you are well to persue your studies I cant but think it advisable 
to return to them, if otherwise you may safely continue in the school. D' 
Child, watch against pride & self esteem. Pray much. Accept Love from 
me & all my family. I am 

Yours affectionately 
Leb" Apr 3, A. D. 1750. Eleaz^ Wheelock.* 

So it happened that Occom continued another six months at 
Montauk, and at the expiration of that time he engaged him- 
self again. When he had been there a year and a half Rev. 
Aaron Burr, acting in behalf of the New York correspondents 
of the " Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowl- 
edge," invited him to come to New Jersey and labor in the 
mission then under the care of Rev. John Brainerd and go on 
a journey to Susquehanna. The consent of the commissioners 
at Boston was secured, with their pledge of support, but hostil- 
ities among the Indians in those parts made it necessary to 
abandon the plan. By this time the success of his work had 
become known. The missionary society came to his assist- 
ance. President Burr became so interested in him that he 
secured a pledge from a merchant of Philadelphia, Mr. Grant, 
*' a dear, honest Christian," to do very considerable towards 
his support if he would qualify himself to become a licensed 
preacher to the Indians." Occom would gladly have accepted 

•• Conn. Hist. Soc. Indian Papers. 

G Conn. Hist. Soc. Indian Papers^ Jonathan Badger to Samson Occom, April 19 




the offer had he thought his health sufficient for the study. He 
had come to see that he must have more out-of-door service. 
This he had at Montauk. He was also unwilling to leave a 
work so promising. The Indians there had measurably ad- 
vanced in civilization. They had begun to want houses, to 
clothe themselves like the whites, to live orderly and sober 
lives. A revival of religion brought some to avow Christian- 
ity. Mr. Horton testified that Occom's sensible view of the 
nature of true religion was the means of quenching the wild 
notions of some foolish exhorters, holding the opinions then so 
prevalent in southern New England.^ The Christian Indians 
of Occom's day were strongly inclined to Separatism, as we 
shall have occasion to notice. Throughout his life, as well as 
thus early at Montauk, Samson Occom was never the victim 
of any idiosyncrasies of religion. 

On the 1 2th of November, 1756, the commissioners of the 
'' Society for Propagating the Gospel " having before them 
Occom's case, passed the following vote : " Inasmuch as said 
Sampson is represented to be a person of virtuous life and use- 
ful as a preacher to the Indians, the commissioners would rec- 
ommend to Rev. Mr. Wheelock, Mr. Pomeroy, and other min- 
isters of the same Association to consider of the expediency 
of his being ordained to the pastoral office and to proceed to 
do it as they shall think best."^ This step was suggested on 
many accounts. It had been all along Occom's desire. He 
was then doing the service of a minister, and his ordination 
would bring him into fellowship with his brethren and friends 
for his profit. Moreover, it was foreseen that a larger field than 
the Montauk village would soon claim him and to that end his 
ordination was considered preparatory. The Windham Asso- 
ciation considered the matter as requested. On the i3lh of 
July, 1757, they met at the house of Rev. Solomon Williams in 

« McClure's Mevi. of Wheelock, p. 17 ; Wheelock'' s Narrative, 17^13, p. 29. 
^ MS Rec. Soc. for Prop. Cos. 


Lebanon. Their records contain no notice of this meeting, 
but Wheelock referred to it and in his diary Occom makes the 
following entry concerning it : 

They came together about one o'c P. M.— and there I Passed an Examina- 
tion Before the Rev^ Messrs Solomon Williams, Eleazar Wheelock, Benja- 
min Pomroy, Nathan Strong, and Stephen White, — and they were so far 
satisfied as to Conclude to proceed to an ordination hereafter. 

This was equivalent to a license to preach if not actually 
such, and with this encouragement Occom resumed his work 
at Montauk. The winter following was one of great awaken- 
ing among the Indians. It spread from the Montauks to other 
neighboring tribes.^ This led Rev. Samuel Davies of Virginia, 
afterwards president of the College of New Jersey, to urge his 
ordination with a view to his undertaking a mission among the 
Cherokee Indians, under the patronage of the New York cor- 
respondents of the Scotch Society, which had also been con- 
templated by the London Society. The former board also 
considered the ordination question and referred it to the Pres- 
bytery of Long Island, two of whose members, Rev. Messrs. 
Buell and Brown, had warmly commended Occom to them. 
Hence there were cross-purposes and delays, the candidate 
wondering meanwhile that there should be so much discussion 
over the ordination of one poor Indian. The Boston commis- 
sioners rather wished to make a Congregationalist of him, and 
so referred the matter to the Windham Association. They 
subsequently agreed, however, to release Occom for the Cher- 
okee mission or they would increase his salary to ^30 if he re- 
mained at Montauk. The Association had no hesitation as to 
ordaining Occom, as one might infer from their records, but 
they thought it best for him to unite with the Presbytery if he 
was to engage under Presbyterians in the Cherokee mission. 
The Indian was willing to be ordained by either body and 

^ Wheelock Papers, Lett. July 22, 1758. 


labor under any board ; but he felt his obligations to his friends 
in- the Windham Association, and would not proceed without 
their approval. Finally that body met at Lebanon on the 15th 
of May, 1759, and Occom was present to hear their decision. 
Of this meeting their records contain the following minute : 

The Association being by Mr. Wheelock requested to ordain Mr. Sam- 
son Occum, Indian, a Minister at large for the Indians, thought it inexpe- 
dient for them, but recommended the doing of it to the Long Island Pres- 
bytery if they think best. 

They also wrote a letter to that body which Occom carried 
to his friend. Rev. Samuel Buell. Thus it came to pass that 
this Indian minister became a Presbyterian, which has been 
thought strange. It was in fact merely incidental to his ex- 
pectation of going on a mission to the Cherokees under the 
Scotch Society. 

The Presbytery appointed the 29th of August as the time 
for his ordination, and Easthampton as the place. A few days 
before that time news came of warlike disturbances among 
the Cherokees, which overturned the contemplated scheme. 
Had those Indians only dug up the tomahawk a few months 
earlier, Occom would have been without doubt a Congrega- 
tionalist and a member of the Windham Association. How- 
ever, the Presbyterian fathers had another plan of sending him 
to the Mohawks, which seemed thus providentially brought 
forward, and so the ordination went on according to pro- 
gram. The following account of the occasion is given in 
their records : 

Suffolk Presbytery, East Hampton, August 29, 1759. 

Sampson Occum candidate for the Indian Mission having had a Text 
given him to compose a Trial Sermon upon, and a Subject for an Exegesis, 
now offered himself upon Examination with a view to ordination. The 
Presbytery entred upon the Preliminaries of his Ordination and having 
examined him in the learned languages, enterd upon Theology, and heard 
his Trial Sermon from Psalm 72. 9. 


August 30th 8 o'clock Resum'd the Examination of Mr. Occum — And 
having attended his Exegesis, and finish'd his Trials in Divinity, with other 
Things relative thereto, Inquir'd into his Acquaintance with experimental 
Religion together with his Ends and Views in desiring to be introduced 
into the Work of the evangelical Ministry by Ordination &c — And then 
upon an Interloquitur, the Question being put by the Moderator — Whether 
this Presbytery approves of Mr. Occum as one in any good Measure quali- 
fied for the Work of the Gospel Ministry, especially among the aboriginal 
Natives of this Land or not? Resolved in the Affirmative. Then proceeded 
to the Ordination of Mr. Sampson Occum in the Meeting-House, a numer- 
ous assembly, upon Notification given, attending. 

Mr. Buell began the publick Worship with Prayer — and preach'd the 
Ordination Sermon from Gal. i. 16 — Mr. Browne introduc'd the Solemnity 
of the Ordination and made the Ordination Prayer during the Imposition 
of Hands — Mr. Barker gave the Right-hand of Fellowship — Mr. Prime 
gave the charge and made the concluding Prayer — Mr. Occum, the candi- 
date ordain'd, pointed out the Psalm and pronounced the Blessing. 

This ordination was certainly at that day an interesting occa- 
sion. It was remembered years afterwards by many who were 
present as most impressive. There had never been there- 
abouts such a vivid portrayal of the missionary idea as the 
people beheld when the ministers present laid hands on the 
head of the young Mohegan teacher. Some of his Indian 
converts were conspicuous in the audience — a solemn justi- 
fication of the act. Many of his English friends were there, 
with whom he was decidedly popular. The ministers them- 
selves looked upon it as a new departure in the history of 
Indian missions. In after years, when Occom had attained 
some fame, he was welcomed many times in the meeting-house 
at Easthampton and those friends of Tiis early ministry were 
ever dear to him. 

It should here be noted that the examination to which 
Occom was subjected was no mere formality. He must have 
had some creditable knowledge of the "learned languages" to 
have passed any sort of an examination before the assembled 
divines. The text of his " Trial Sermon " was most fitting, 
"They that dwell in the wilderness shall bow before him ; and 



his enemies shall lick the dust." It was trial enough for an 
Indian to preach at all before a Presbytery, yet he is said to 
have acquitted himself well. What he said on the text that 
day we do not know ; but he afterwards chose it on more than 
one occasion in discoursing to large audiences in England and 
America. He was probably relieved when the occasion was 
over, for in noting the facts in his diary he adds, "Thus the 
solemnity ended, Laus te Denm.'' 

The ordination sermon, preached by Mr. Buell, was printed 
in 1 761, as a means to excite interest in the Oneida mission, 
which Occom was then about to undertake.'' A letter is added 
to the sermon giving some account of his early life. All the 
references to him are creditable. His talents seem at that 
time to have been recognized by all who knew him. " In 
short," says Mr. Buell, "he is an ornament to the Christian 
Religion and the glory of the Indian nation." 

Ere we end our review of this period of Samson Occom's 
life we .must make the acquaintance of some of his Indian 
friends. One of the most influential Indians at Montauk 
when Occom went there to begin his work was James Prowler. 
His father or grandfather had doubtless taken the English 
name of some white family, as the custom was even before the 
year 1700. The census of 1741 mentions James Fowler as 
the head of a family of eight. At least half of these were 
children, and others were afterwards born to him and his wife 
Elizabeth. Some of. his descendants continued to live at 

••The Excellence and Importance of the saving knowledge | of the Lord Jesus 
Christ in the Gospel-Preacher, | plainly and seriously represented and enforced: 
And I Christ preached to the Gentiles in Obedience to the Call of God. | A | 
Sermon, | preached at | East-Hampton, August 29, 1759; | at the | Ordination | of | 
Mr. Samson Occum, | A Missionary among the Indians. \ By Samuel Buell, M. A. | 
Pastor of the Church of Christ, at East-Hampton, | Long-Island. | To which is 
Prefixed, | A Letter to the Rev. Mr. David Bostwick, Minister | of the Presbyterian 
Cinuch, in New York, giving | some Account of Mr. Occunvs Education, Character, 
&c. I .... I New York : | Printed by James Parker, and Company, | M. DCC. LXL | 
S° pp. xvi, viii, 38. 

54 samsojv occoa/ 

Montauk down to quite recent times. One of them was 
doubtless William Fowler, who was well known at the ancient 
home of his tribe by all visitors, and whose house stood as a 
landmark for many years and was only lately destroyed. In 
this family of James Fowler, then a heathen, living in an In- 
dian wigwam, Occom found a welcome in 1749. The chil- 
dren attended his school, and he took unusual interest in 
them, for they were ambitious to learn. As there was a 
daughter in the family, Mary by name, intelligent, virtuous 
and comely, it was natural that a friendship should spring up 
between her and the young schoolmaster. His diary shows 
that his attention in the spring of 1751 was somewhat divided 
between the Epistles to the Thessalonians and this Indian 
maiden. When he visited Rev. Solomon Williams that sum- 
mer, he mentioned the affair, but was advised "to be cautious 
in choosing a wife lest he should put himself in such circum- 
stances as might render him less able to answer the design of 
his education, being uncertain where the commissioners would 
employ him." Occom answered, however, that "his marrying 
there would not prevent his readiness to go where the com- 
missioners should please to send him either on the Island or 
on the main." ^*^ Soon after his return to Montauk, in the 
autumn of 1751, he was married, and Mary Fowler was there- 
after a partner in the trials and toils of his missionary life. 

The family of James Fowler received a lifelong impression 
through the instruction of the Montauk schoolmaster. They 
became thoroughly civilized. The parents accepted the 
Christian faith, lived to age, and died in it — the father at 
Montauk and the mother in the home of her son David on the 
Oneida hillside. Another daughter, Phoebe, married Ephraim 
Pharaoh — of a second family at Montauk who owed much to 
Occom— and they were staunch supporters of the missionary's 
subsequent plans for the Christian Indians. But the most 

^^ MS. Lett. Solomon Williams, Oct. 7, 1751, in poss. of Mrs. Hooker. 


conspicuous of the Montauk pupils were the two sons of 
James Fowler, David and Jacob, who henceforth become 
actors in our story. David was born in 1735, and was there- 
fore fourteen years of age when the schoolmaster began his 
work. Jacob was born in 1750 — a babe whom Occom often 
carried in his arms. These two lads, whom he taught to read 
in the Bible, his brothers-in-law, became the dearest friends of 
his life, and their services are interwoven with his to the end. 



The success of Samson Occom in acquiring an education, 
and the prospect of his usefulness, first suggested to the Rev. 
Eleazar Wheelock the introduction of Indians into his family 
school. A missionary zeal all aflame in one so recently a 
savage was an awakening fact. Missionary motives were kin- 
dled in the teacher's mind. As his pupil seemed to prosper in 
the school at Montauk and advance steadily toward the life of an 
Indian missionary, supported by existing societies, and gather- 
ing to the cause friends among the whites, the question 
naturally arose, why could not others be brought to follow 
his example ? Thus Doctor Wheelock was led to devise a 
plan for propagating the gospel among the Indians which he 
thought with good reason was most feasible. In its prominent 
feature it was different from all other schemes which had been 
attempted in New England. His ideal, like that of John Eliot, 
was the native missionary. He recognized the many advan- 
tages arising from the Christianized Indian, who understood 
the temper, customs and language of his people, would dis- 
arm their prejudices, and could live anywhere with little 
expense. The great "Apostle to the Indians" had builded 
his work on this corner-stone. The distinguishing feature of 
Doctor Wheelock's plan was that he proposed to cultivate this 
Indian teacher in the nursery of the Christian family, and 
establish under his own personal instruction a school for the 
special training of missionaries. In his opinion, which had 
doubtless been formed in his experience with Occom, there 




was also an advantage in having these Indians trained with 
whites who were interested in the same work. So he wished 
to gather the most promising youth of all tribes out of their 
heathen environment, under a master who would instruct them 
in civilized life, where they would have mutual acquaintance, 
and after years of seasoning in Christian truth be fitted to 
return as examples and leaders to their own people. Girls as 
well as boys were to be brought into this school and instructed 
in domestic concerns. Thus he hoped by natural means to 
introduce among distant tribes a native Christian family. In 
early New England history many Puritan homes had done such 
a service with some success, as we have seen ; but Doctor 
Wheelock's plan, based on the same principle as to the value 
of a civilized environment, was of larger extent and added 
other features. Eliot had placed great emphasis on commu- 
nity life. Hence he had sought to further civilization by self- 
government in his Indian towns and the organization of 
churches. Wheelock depended rather upon the high ideal 
which he hoped to produce in the individual. Hence he 
sought to gather the fittest apart where they might after years 
attain it. There was wisdom in both principles, and they are 
essential to each other. Both are to some extent illustrated 
in the methods of the present day. Indian civilization will 
never flourish unless the educated individual is placed in a 
favorable environment. That was precisely what Samson 
Occom afterwards sought to secure by his scheme of gather- 
ing the Christian Indians of New England in a town away 
from demoralizing influences. Doctor Wheelock did not 
sufficiently consider the corresponding perils attending the 
young native teacher when returned to his heathen surround- 
ings. Others have made the same mistake since his day. 
The strongest could with difficulty stand against such tempta- 
tions. Apostasies have always arisen thus in the history of 
Indian missions. He entrusted the faith to mere youth, gave 


them a measure of authority, sent them far away from the pro- 
tection of his school, and then was easily discouraged if they 
failed to stand the test. His plan w^as nevertheless a good 
one. If it did not accomplish all he anticipated for the 
Indians the reason was rather in the circumstances which he 
could not control. Still we shall hope to show the reader 
that the influences of his " Indian Charity School " were more 
salutary and permanent than any have thought or than he 
himself lived to see.^ 

Having, therefore, after careful deliberation, resolved upon 
his experiment. Doctor Wheelock wrote in May, 1754, to Rev. 
John Brainerd, then employed among the Delaware Indians 
under the New York correspondents of the Scotch Society, 
requesting him to send to Lebanon two promising Indian 
boys. Before they arrived, he had awakened the interest of 
his ministerial friends in the Windham Association. He had, 
moreover, unfolded his purpose to Rev. George Whitefield, as 
we learn from later references, and had received his encour- 
agement. We doubt not that this was a prominent topic of 
conversation when they met at Wheelock's house, even as the 
boys were on the way. Thus he made Whitefield an adviser 
and supporter in his work at the very outset. On the i8th of 
December, 1754, there arrived at Lebanon John Pumshire, 
aged fourteen, and Jacob Woolley, aged eleven, both of the 
Delaware tribe. The former continued there to November 14, 
1756, when he was sent home on account of his failing health, 
and died, January 26, 1757. The latter, being a good scholar, 
advanced so rapidly in his studies that he could " read Virgil 
and Tully and the Greek Testament very handsomely " in 
1758. He entered the college of New Jersey in May, 1759, 
but during his last year, in 1762, was returned in disgrace to 
Lebanon, where he studied for some time the Mohawk tongue. 
Later, he went back to college, but ran away, and so he drops 

' On Wheelock's plan see his Narratives^ 1763, pp. 10-29, i\ : 1771, pp. 18-22. 


out of our story. These two Delawares were Wheelock's only 
Indian pupils until February 8, 1757. He could not take 
others until he had ascertained what assistance he might 
expect in their support. At this time, there were two mis- 
sionary societies engaged in such work, namely, the '' Society 
for Propagating the Gospel," having commissioners at Boston, 
and the " Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian 
Knowledge," having boards of correspondents at New York 
and at Boston.- J3oth of these societies assisted him during 
the twelve years before the " Trust Fund " was raised. He 
also had help from the Sir Peter Warren legacy, through the 
General Assembly of Massachusetts, from the General Assem- 
bly of the Province of New Harnpshire, and from donations 
and legacies of individuals at home and abroad. In the later 
years of this period he was forced to depend mainly on collec- 
tions made in the churches, for which legislative authority was 
obtained in Connecticut. The " Society for Promoting Chris- 
tian Knowledge " made him several grants of books. These 
were the sources of the school's income outside of the country 
parish in which it was located. 

When the two Indian pupils appeared at Lebanon, the min- 
ister's family school assumed at once the character of an 
institution. Subscriptions were made for its maintenance, 
contingent upon its incorporation, to the extent of ^^500, each 
subscriber agreeing, meanwhile, to pay the interest on his 
pledge. Amid this aroused interest. Doctor Wheelock visited 
Mr. Joshua More, a farmer of Mansfield, Conn., who was 
pleased to purchase for the school, at a cost of ^^500, old 
tenor, a place contiguous to the minister's mansion, contain- 
ing about two acres, and having upon it a "small dwelling- 
house and a shop or schoolhouse." This property he deeded, 
July 17, 1755, to Colonel Elisha Williams, Esq., "late rector 
of Yale College ''— w^hose service ended with his death on that 

- See Chapter 1, note 15. 


very day — to Rev. Samuel Mosely of Windham, and Rev. Ben- 
jamin Pomeroy of Hebron, who, with Doctor Wheelock, were 
to hold it in trust "for the Educating such of the Indian 
Natives of any or all the Indian Tribes in North America or 
other poor Persons." The institution was to bear the donor's 
name, which he spelled " More," but the usual title became 
" Moor^s Indian Charity School." It happened, however, that 
Mr. More died, October 2, 1756, without making further pro- 
vision for the school, as was expected ; that the deed was held 
to be defective ; that Wheelock failed to secure incorporation 
from the crown, and so the property was eventually held by 
Doctor Wheelock himself by a new conveyance from the 
widow, Dorothy More, dated May 10, 1763. This deed thus 
describes the property : 

One certain Messuage or Tenement situate in s*^ North Society in s*^ Leb- 
anon, bounded & Described as follows (viz) beginning at a stump on the 
west side of Hartford Road & which is the Eastwardly corner of Land 
belonging to the Heirs of Philip Judd Deceased, thence running by s"^ Land 
Southwardly about 22 Rods to an heap of stones in the Dam-Brook adjoin- 
ing to Jehiel Rose's Land, thence running down the brook in the Line of 
s*^ Rose's Land 12 & an half Rods to a stake with stones about it on the 
East side of s*^ Brook, thence running North easterly with a Stone wall 20 
Rods to Hartford Road, thence North westerly by Hartford Road 17 & ^ 
Rods to the first mentioned Bounds, being in quantity about Two Acres of 

While the institution remained at Lebanon, it was usually 
styled " Wheelock's Indian Charity School," but the earlier 
title was afterwards restored. Mr. Frederick Chase, in his 
" History of Dartmouth College," has pointed out the fact that 
this property was bought from Moses Barrett, " late school- 
master in Lebanon," and conjectures that the new school 
supplanted an earlier one. The first "master" of Doctor 
Wheelock's school was a young man of that name, whose posi- 
tion may have had some place in the transfer. If this is true, 
the schoolhouse was already prepared for use, and the " man- 


tion house " was suitable for a dormitory. Evidently this gift 
gave the enterprise a substantial character, which was essen- 
tial in its plea for pecuniary assistance. 

Here, then, was a little group of buildings— the center 
of a country parish — in which Doctor Wheelock could con- 
veniently carry on his work. The meeting-house stood on the 
green where the two main roads crossed, one leading from 
Hartford to Norwich and the other from Middletown to 
Windham and Providence. It was a simple structure, forty- 
six feet by sixty-four, built in 1748, and at this time it was 
covered with a coat of sky-blue paint. As an encouragement 
to the school, the parish voted in 1755 ^^ set apart for the 
boys "the pew in the gallery over the west stairs," and in 
1761 it gave the "Indian girls liberty to sit in the hind seat 
on the woman's side below." At times these pews must have 
been filled to overflowing. Some of the pupils, both boys and 
girls, became members of this church. On several occasions 
the congregation gathered here on the Sabbath was honored 
with the presence of Indian chiefs from distant tribes be- 
decked in royal attire. Thither missionaries returned with 
stories of adventurous experience — Samson Occom from his 
pioneer visit to the Oneidas, and Samuel Kirkland, the first 
white charity pupil of the school, from his hazardous attempt 
to carry the Gospel to the Senecas. Surely that little sky-blue 
meeting-house was the place of many an interesting service ! 

Southward from the church was the Barrett dwelling-house, 
transformed to serve as a home for the charity pupils. Here 
successive masters presided in turn after Moses Barrett : 
Chandler Robbins, Ralph Pomeroy, Benjamin Jrumbull, 
Edmund Davis, John Huntington, John Leslie. John Lothrop, 
Aaron Kinne, Ralph Wheelock, Bezaleel Woodward, Samuel 
Wales, and David McClure. In that house the newly-arrived 
and half-clad Indian boy spent his first homesick night in 
civilization. "We reposed on Straw Beds in Bunks," wrote 


David McClure in his diary, '' and generally dined on a boiled 
dish & an Indian pudding." The two acres round about 
offered the Indian his first lesson in the science of agriculture. 
The schoolhouse was near at hand. It was such a building 
as the reader has many times seen at the crossroads in the 
country, and its frame is said to survive to this day in the dis- 
trict schoolhouse of the place. Here or in the hall of the min- 
ister's house the pupils were gathered with their instructors 
for morning and evening prayers — for a time by the sound of 
a bell " decently hung " thereon, which had been presented by 
Rev. George Whitefield.^ Later their signal was the blowing 
of a shell. In this schoolhouse they attended upon their 
studies during the day. Northward from the sky-blue meeting- 
house, facing the green, was the minister's home, a very 
respectable mansion for that day, having ample room in its 
twenty-acre lot. A gigantic pine-tree, which the minister may 
have planted in front of his house, now marks the place, and 
is all that remains of those early days except the sacred dust 
in the graveyard. In this home many distinguished divines 
lodged on their journeys to and fro. In its study meetings 
were held, from time to time, of the Windham Association and 
later of the board of correspondents which stood as trustees 
toward the humble missionary school. One can scarcely 
imagine, without a perusal of Doctor Wheelock's voluminous 
correspondence, how many letters were written there and how 
many important messages were dispatched thence to all 
quarters. The country round about was wholly devoted to 

3 Wheelock wrote Mr. Dennys DeBerdt of London, " The Schoolmasters Com- 
plain of the. want of a Bell that May be well heard about a mile. Indian children 
are inclined to ramble in play time & it is difficult to get them together." — 
Wheelock Papers, Lett. Nov. i6, 1761. He wrote Whitefield later, " I have received 
the Bell which you sent and it is decently hung on the House which I have devoted 
to the Service." — Wheelock Papers, Lett. Sept. i6, 1762. This bell, which weighed 
eighty pounds, was broken within two years, and having been sent to Elizabeth town, 
N. J., to be recast was returned broken as it went. — Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., 
p. 27. 


farming. There was no village — only this group of buildings 
where two highways of travel crossed. Yet here was a school 
which had a purpose and a name, honored in its day through- 
out New England, to the southward, and beyond the sea. 

We are not intending to repeat the story — so well told in 
the " History of Dartmouth College " — of Doctor Wheelock's 
hopes, trials and labors in connection with his "Indian 
Charity School." Our desire is rather to make the acquaint- 
ance of the Indian pupils instructed there, whose names have 
been all but lost to notice, but whose lives are associated with 
the career of Samson Occom. Who, then, were thosls pupils, 
and what became of them ? 

The third Indian to attend this school, and the first of the 
New England tribes, was Samson Wauby, whose name is also 
spelled Wobby, Wobi and Woyboy. He was a Pequot of 
Groton, a relative and probably a cousin of Samson Occom 
through his mother. Of his early life we only know that he 
had been brought up in an English family. He had sufficient 
education to enable him to teach the Indian school at Mush- 
antuxet in Groton for a time ; but was finally forced to give 
it up because they needed one who could " write and cipher " 
better than he. On the 3d of February, 1757, Rev. Jacob 
Johnson of Groton wrote Doctor Wheelock that Wauby had 
done well in the school, but he should have further instruction. 
So he became a pupil at Lebanon on the eighth of that month. 
He remained only nineteen weeks, having some " bodily 
infirmities of long standing " which unfitted him to pursue an 
extended course of study. The commissioners at Boston 
again appointed him teacher of the Mushantuxet school 
October 8, 1759, and in the following year he had charge of 
the Stonington school. Soon afterwards he became a sol- 
dier, serving in 1762 in the company of Captain John 
Wheatley. He died within a few years, possibly while still in 
military service. His brief attendance at the Lebanon school 


did not profit him much ; but his friendly relations with Doc- 
tor Wheelock continued, and his kinsman, Roger Wauby, 
became associated with the later life of Samson Occom. 

The fourth and fifth pupils were Delawares, Joseph Woolley 
and Hezekiah Calvin, who arrived April 9, 1757. The former 
is described as "of middling capacity, naturally modest and 
something bashful," and the latter as " a smart little fellow, 
who loves play, and will have his hat in one place and his 
mittens in another." They remained at the Indian school for 
eight years, and were among those examined, March 12, 1765, 
by the Connecticut correspondents of the Scotch Society and 
approved as schoolmasters. Joseph Woolley had gone to the 
Six Nations with Samuel Kirkland in the autumn of 1764, and 
during the following winter he taught an Indian school at 
Onohoquaga on the Susquehanna river. He returned thither 
in 1765. His service did not continue long, but he was faith- 
ful unto the end and died of consumption in his mission, 
November 27, 1765, greatly mourned by the Indians. Heze- 
kiah Calvin taught among the Mohawks at Fort Hunter and 
was so engaged for two years. He eventually disgraced his 
name, however, and in 1769 Doctor Wheelock wrote of him, 
"he is turned drunkard and apostate." He is said to have 
reformed, but his later life is unknown. 

The next five pupils were New England Indians, who 
entered as follows: Joseph Johnson, December 7, 1758; 
David Fowler, April 12, 1759; Aaron Occom, April 28, 1760 ; 
Isaiah Uncas, November 26, 1760; and Amy Johnson, June 2, 
1 76 1. Fowler was Occom's pupil at Montauk and the others 
were Mohegans. Isaiah Uncas was that babe who had been 
baptized by Rev. Eliphalet Adams in 1750, the son of Sachem 
Ben Uncas, 3d, once the Mohegan schoolmaster. He was 
supported by the " Society for Propagating the Gospel " 
for about two years. Being the chief's son great hopes of his 
usefulness were at first entertained; but he proved to be "a 


youth of feeble health and dull intellect." He left the school, 
though he was afterwards " taken back to work on the farm." 
As his father died in 1769, he was heir to the sachemship, and 
received some friendly attentions from the colony. When he 
married Mary Sowop at North Stonington, November 30, 1769, 
he was recorded as the " Mohegan Chief," but he did not live 
to be recognized generally as such, dying in 1770, the last 
male of the Ben Uncas line. Aaron Occom was another dis- 
appointment. His parents brought him to Lebanon in great 
hope, and his father thus recorded his entrance in his diary ; 
" Delivered up my little son Aaron to Rev. Mr. Eleazar 
Wheelock to be Brought up by him." He remained there 
until October, 1761, entered a second time December 8, 1765, 
and a third time November 9, 1766 ; but he had no taste for 
learning, and his life was something of a trial to his father, as 
related elsewhere. 

Joseph Johnson and Amy, his sister, were of a prominent 
Mohegan family. Their parents were Captain Joseph and 
Betty Johnson, and the \\ ell-known councilor, Zachary John- 
son, was their uncle. The father had been a captain of Indian 
scouts in the French war, and he is doubtless the soldier in 
Captain Nathan Whiting's company who died September 4, 
1758, as his death occurred about that time.^ Thus being left 

*The following commission is among the Wheelock Papers, Dart. Coll. — By Lieu- 
tenant Colonel John Young at the Royal-American Regiment : Whereas, Daniel 
Webb Esquire, Major-General of his Majesty's Forces, hath authorized me to send a 
Detachment of our faithfull Indians, And being well assured of the Fidelity and 
Courage of Joseph Johnson, I hereby authorize him to chuse^out of the Indians now 
in our Camp, to the Number of Six and Twenty ; whom he is to command, and who 
are to obey him, not only upon the present Scout, but upon any other he may be 
employed [on] during the Course of this Campaign (if so long a Time is necessary) 
But that the said Joseph Johnson and his said Party, shall be at full Liberty to 
return to their respective Companies and Habitations, either after the present expedi- 
tion, or when the Time of their present Engagement is expired. 

Given under my Hand, at the Camp by Fort Edward, this Second Day of August 

'757- , ,. 

John \ oi:ng, 

Mr. TosEi'H Johnson. 1-t Col Koyal American Regt 



fatherless in his seventh year, Joseph entered the Indian 
Charity School. He continued there until, " in the third 
month of his fifteenth year," he was sent out as a school- 
master to the Oneidas, and his life thereafter is a part of our 
story. While at school he was a bright, mischievous boy, 
quick to learn but not very fond of study. His sister Amy 
left the school early in 1766. She lived in various families, 
and was employed at Captain Bull's tavern, the " Bunch of 
Grapes," in Hartford, when David Fowler contemplated mak- 
ing her his wife. Later she returned to Mohegan, and is lost 
to us. 

David Fowler had two advantages when he entered the 
school — he was older than the other pupils had been, being 
then in his twenty-fourth year, and he had been trained at 
Montauk by his brother-in-law, Samson Occom. He was not 
an exceptional scholar, but he was practical and faithful in 
every form of service. Doctor Wheelock wrote of him to Mr.- 
William Hyslop, treasurer of the Boston correspondents of the 
Scotch Society, under date January 29, 1761 : "I have one 
now with me from Montauk whom Mr. Occom taught to read 
and who is zealously pursuing his studies with a single view 
to a distant mission if God pleases; who, I apprehend is as 
promising and every way tempered and turned for that busi- 
ness and as likely to be useful as any I have seen or heard of." 
The sequel proved the truth of this opinion. Many a time 
David Fowler was called into important service. He was 
very skilful in the use of tools and had some knowledge of 
farming. Hence he became very useful to Doctor Wheelock, 
as he acknowledged, overseeing the work in the fields which 
sometimes engaged the Indians. This labor was beneficial 
also to Fowler. It furnished him an experience in agricultural 
matters and mechanics which was greatly needed in his after 
life. It is part of our purpose to follow him to his grave. 

On the I St of August, 1761, three Mohawk boys were 


received at the school, Joseph, Negyes and Center. The first 
was well-clad in Indian fashion and could speak a little Eng- 
lish, but the other two were nearly naked. Center became ill 
and Negyes was sent home with him in the autumn. The for- 
mer died soon afterwards. The latter did not return to the 
school, but married and is heard of no more. Joseph's career 
needs not to be recorded here, for he was the celebrated 
Mohawk chief Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea, brother of Mary 
Brant, the Indian companion of Sir William Johnson, and his bio- 
graphy has been fully written.^ He remained at the school until 
July 4, 1 763, during which time he made commendable progress 
in his studies and is said to have been converted to Christianity. 
He was the guide of Samuel Kirkland in his journey west- 
ward in the autumn of 1761, became his instructor in the Mo- 
hawk language, and was ever his pow^erful friend. His former 
schoolmates were many times entertained at his home and he 
assisted them in their missions. When he left the school he 
had set out as the interpreter of Rev. Charles J. Smith on a 
mission which an Indian war interrupted, and Joseph remained 
among his people. After the lapse of nearly forty years, when 
his home was in Canada, two of his sons, Jacob and Joseph, 
were sent to Hanover to school in affectionate remembrance 
of his own school-days. 

During the years while the Indian school was at Lebanon, 
fifteen other Mohawks became pupils. Moses and Johannes 
entered November 27, 1761 ; Abraham Primus or Major, 
Abraham Secundus or Minor, and Peter, July 18, 1762 ; W'ill- 
iam Primus, William Secundus, and Elias, November 30, 1764 ; 
Susannah, Katharine, and Mary, June 12, 1765 ; John (Jreen, 
January 11, 1766 ; Paulus and Margaret, September 28, 1766 ; 
and Seth, December 8, 1766. The first five of these were 
examined at Lebanon by the Connecticut correspondents of 
the Scotch Society, March 12, 1765, and were approved as 

'^ Life of Joseph Brant, \Vm. L. Stone. 2 vols., N. V., 1S3S. 


" well accomplished for schoolmasters," but on account of 
their youth they were appointed to serve as " ushers " in the 
mission schools. There was less dignity in this office, but 
they did the same service as their superiors. Moses taught at 
Lake Utsage [Otsego] at the head of the Susquehanna river; 
and Abraham Primus and Abraham Secundus among the 
Mohawks, where also Peter was established, but did not long 
continue on account of illness. In 1766 "Little Abraham" 
was invited to teach a school at " a new settlement of Indians 
about eight or ten miles below Fort Stanwix " called Willheske.^ 
Johannes went out as an interpreter for Theophilus Chamber- 
lain, in which capacity he afterwards served Aaron Kinne and 
other white missionaries. The rest of these Mohawks were 
not at the school long enough to receive much education. 
William Primus was the natural son of Sir William Johnson. 
Of him Doctor Wheelock wrote, " William is a very good 
Genius and capable of making a very likely man, but his Pride 
and the Violence of his Temper have sometimes rendered him 
troublesome and obliged me to be severe with him." He was 
sent home December 10, 1766. Afterwards he was engaged 
against the Americans in the Revolution and lost his life in 
the struggle. All the girls returned January 9, 1767, except- 
ing Susannah, who remained some months longer. Paulus also 
returned with the girls. "Little Elias " was hurt and unable 
to continue. John Green was probably the Mohawk chief's 
son taken home by his father February 16, 1767. At the 
same time Doctor Wheelock sent home Seth, who was "so fired 
with having been to the wars and killed some Indians that the 
house was scarcely good enough for him to live in." 

We have a record of eight or more Oneidas who attended 
the school. Dawet entered June 12, 1765; Mundius and 

•J This settlement was Oriskany, which is said by Belknap to have been a corrup- 
tion of 01 hiske, a place of nettles. Gridley, in his History of the town of Kirkland, 
spells the Indian word Ockrisk or Orisca. Samuel Kirkland spelled it Oriske. 


Jacob, October 5, 1765 ; and William, one of David Fowler's 
pupils, June 27, 1766. When Ralph Wheelock returned from 
his tour among the missions, October 25, 1767, he brought 
" Little Peter," son of the deceased Oneida chief, Gawke, a 
girl and two boys whose names are unknown, and Jacob, who 
had been kept at home since the spring by his "bad aunts." 
In his tour the following spring he received five children, 
three Oneidas, a Tuscarora, and one of the " Uriskee " In- 
dians, besides the son of the Seneca chief, Tekananda, the 
" Black General," who visited New England with Samuel Kirk- 
land."^ These were to be sent after him by Thomas, the pious 
Oneida deacon, who arrived about the first of July, 1768, and 
probably brought them. His own daughter, Hannah, became 
then or earlier a pupil. Mundius, having been very ill, was 
returned by him, and another died at Lebanon. Thus the 
number decreased so that w^hen Thomas came, January 20, 
1769, to remove all the Oneida children, there were only six 
and none of them had been three years in the school. 

There were, therefore, not less than twenty-six, and possi- 
bly thirty-two, pupils at the school from the Western tribes. 
Excepting the eight who came before 1763, they were not 
there long enough to become civilized. Many of them learned 
to read, but that was all. We do not know what manner of 
lives they afterwards lived ; Dr. Wheelock did not. They 
certainly should not be counted as failures of the school. Of 
the schoolmasters, some, at least, continued faithful. 

Who were the remainder of the pupils at this Indian Char- 
ity school ? Miriam Stores was a Delaware, who entered in 
September, 1761. She remained until 1764, but her subse- 
quent career is unknown. p:noch Closs and Samuel Tallman 
were also Delawares who came July 22, 1762, intending to 
learn trades. The former ran away in 1765. Samuel Tall- 

' Wheelock' s Narratives, 1767, pp. 53- 5^, 11 i '769. PP- 46-54 : Conn. Col. Rec, 
XII, 468 ; McClure's Mefn. of Wlieelock, p. 270. 

70 S A A/so AT OCCOM 

man became a carpenter, lived among the New England 
Indians, being at one time at Stockbridge, and was eventually 
associated with them in the westward emigration. All the 
others were New England Indians, numbering twenty-five, 
who are known by name. It is said that seventy Indians 
attended the school while it was at Lebanon. This division 
accounts for the entire number — thirty-one from New Eng- 
land, thirty-two from the Western tribes, and seven Delawares. 
By this detailed study, it is shown that the school accom- 
plished greater results among the Indians in its immediate 
neighborhood. When its removal was contemplated, Samuel 
Kirkland and Samson Occom both advocated its location 
among the Six Nations for this very reason. This, too, was 
one consideration which moved Kirkland afterwards to found 
Hamilton On«ida Academy. At Hanover the school had to 
depend upon remote tribes, which was one cause of its decline. 
The Western pupils entered the Lebanon school as savages, 
and returned to their native environment. The New England 
Indians went from their reservation schools, and even though 
some of them did not remain long, they had the encourage- 
ment of a civilized element on returning home. They were 
lost to Doctor Wheelock, but the influence of the school 
remained as a potent factor in their after lives. Samson 
Occom perpetuated it and gathered up the fruits. 

Of the twenty-five New England Indians who entered the 
school after those already mentioned, most are well known to 
us. Daniel Mossuck entered July i8, 1762. He was of the 
Tunxis tribe at Farmington, and his father, Solomon Mos- 
suck, was one of the prominent Christian Indians in that town, 
of whom more is related elsewhere. He only remained a few 
months at the school, but he afterwards led a worthy life, 
became a soldier in the Revolution, and engaged himself in 
Occom's emigration movement. Jacob Fowler, the younger 
brother of David, who was born in 1750, entered the school 


November 20, 1762. He was, of course, one of Occom's 
pupils at Montauk, and continued at the school uAtil he went 
forth on a mission, as the reader will presently learn. He 
was more of a scholar than his brother and made excellent 
progress in his studies. Some of these pupils were girls. 
Sarah Wyoge, who entered April 20, 1762, and Patience John- 
son, who entered August 24, 1762, were Mohegans, and both 
were dismissed in 1764. Hannah Nonesuch, whb came March 
II, 1768, was also of that tribe, and her parents, Joshua and 
Hannah, were members of Rev. David Jewett's church. She 
is said to have Christian descendants now living. Hannah 
Poquiantup, who entered in September, 1763, was of Niantic, 
and a relative of Occom. The Narragansett tribe furnished 
the remainder, excepting Nathan Clap, a Cape Cod Indian, 
who was possibly at the school a short time and turned out 
badly. ^ Five of these were children of one family, having a 
pious mother, Sarah Simons, a widow. Emanuel entered April 
10, 1763; Sarah, December 13, 1765; James, in 1767, and 
Abraham and Daniel in 1768 or 1769. This mother wrote 
Doctor Wheelock thus when she sent up James : " I have sent 
my Lettel Son up to you, take him to your self and keep him in 
subjection. Keep him as Long as you pies til you think that he 
shall be capabel of bisness."^ All these children were con- 
verted at the school. Sarah is known to have joined Doctor 
Wheelock's church in November, 1767. Emanuel became a 
soldier in the Revolution and a settler later at Brothertown. 
Abraham and Daniel were the only two pupils who removed 
with the school to Hanover, and we shall meet theni both 
again. Mary Secutor, who entered December 17, 1763, and 
John, her brother, who entered in 1767, were children of John 
Secutor, a prominent man in the tribe, and both were enlisted 
in Occom's emigration plan. James Niles, who was a pupil 

^Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., p. S3 : Wheelock's Narrative, 1769, p. 4;. 
^ Wheelock Papers, Lett. Oct. 12, 1767. 


in 1768, was doubtless a nephew of Rev. Samuel Niles, the 
Indian minister of the Narragansetts, and Samuel Niles, a 
pupil in 1767, was his son. James became a soldier in the 
Revolution and removed westward with the Christian Indians. 
John Matthews was a pupil in 1768 and 1769. He became a 
member of Wheelock's church, went among the Oneidas with 
Levi Frisbie in 1769, learned the language under Samuel 
Kirkland, and in 1772 went on a mission thither with his 
cousin, Abraham Simons. ^*^ Hannah Garret entered the school 
December 17, 1763. She married David Fowler and her 
descendants have kept the faith for five generations. Of 
Charles Daniel, who entered December 14, 1765, we know 
nothing except that he was the son of John Daniel, a promi- 
nent Indian at Charlestown, R. I. Abigail and Martha came 
April 3, 1767, but as we have not their family names, we are 
unable to follow them. 

Two of these Narragansett young men became conspicu- 
ous in their tribal affairs, and have an interesting story. John 
and Tobias Shattock were brothers, and their father was John 
Shattock or Shaddock, who opposed the sachem I^inegret in 
selling their lands. They entered the school December 16, 
1766. "Toby" was at that time married, and his wife and 
child also came to Lebanon soon afterwards. They had been 
pupils of Edward Deake in the Narragansett school where 
they had already acquired a fair education. Doubtless their 
purpose was to fit themselves for some mission, as both are 
known to have been earnest and consistent Christian Indians. 
It was, however, interrupted by their participation in the land 
controversy.^^ One or both of them made several trips to Sir 
William Johnson in the interest of the tribe, bearing Doctor 
Wheelock's hearty recommendation. Finally the Indian 

^° Wheelock^s Narrative, 1773, pp. 7, 8. 

" See A Statement of the Case 0/ the Narragansett Tribe of Indians, by James N. 
Arnold, Newport, 1896. 


council, despairing of relief from the Colonial government, 
determined to appeal to the king, and to send John and 
Tobias Shattock to England in their behalf. They therefore 
wrote Doctor Wheelock a letter expressing their thanks for 
his efforts, and their regrets at being compelled to take the 
young men from the school. ^^ This was on the 8th of Decem- 
ber, 1767, and they had been pupils about a year. In this 
letter they say, " we have none so capable of doing business 
as they are." Having been offered a free passage in the ship 
of Captain William Chase, they sailed from New York early in 
January, 1768, and arrived safely at Greenock, Scotland. 
They bore a letter from Rev. Doctor Clark to Mr. Alexander 
Moubray, a merchant of Edinburgh, commending them to his 
care as "some fruits'* of Doctor Wheelock's school. On the 
15th of April they arrived at Edinburgh, and arrangements 
were made to forward them on a ship sailing the i8th to 
London. Mr. Moubray lodged them next door to his home, 
and they ate at his table. A storm delayed the ship, and on 
the 2 1 St, as they were at Leith about to sail, John showed 
symptoms of the smallpox. They were taken back to Mr. 
Moubray's home, where both were soon at the height of the 
disease. The best physicians in the city attended them. 
Nurses were provided, and the merchant's wife "laid aside all 
concern in her family in order to attend them." The news 
awakened the compassion of many godly people, who were 
anxious to do something for the Indian strangers. Rev. 
Charles Beatty of Philadelphia chanced to be in the city, and 
with Doctor Erskine ministered to them. On the 6th of May, 
at about 4 o'clock in the morning, Tobias died. He had been 
four days blind, but knew the voices of his friends to the last. 
When he was dying his 'brother, who was less zealous in the 
Christian life, was told of his condition. The sad announce- 
ment had such an effect upon John that Tobias was com- 

'2 McClure's Mem. of Wheelock. p. 277. 


forted. On hearing it he exclaimed, " Good news 1 good news !" 
and fell asleep. Those Good Samaritans of Edinburgh 
dressed the dead Indian in " a Suitt of fine Mournings," and 
at 6 o'clock the next evening they bore him to his burial in 
Grayfriars churchyard, Mr. Moubray carrying his head, Mr. 
Beatty his right shoulder, Doctor Erskine his left, and a num- 
ber of ministers and gentlemen following round about the pall. 
" The best people in town," it is said, " were invited and 
attended the funeral." Thus says Mr. Moubrav, in his letter 
to Doctor Wheelock detailing this event, " in our Churchyard 
was Interred the first Christian Indian that ever we heard of, 
very near the place where is Interred the bodys of those who 
suffered for the word of Christ's patience in Scotland against 
Oppressing powers."!^ One Christian Indian of New England 
at least received a proper burial far away from the graves of 
his fathers ! His mound has, however, long since been leveled 
by time, and we bring out his forgotten story from the wasting 
yellow sheet. This was indeed the first Christian Indian who 
had died in Edinburgh, which is doubtless the meaning ; but 
they knew of another, Samson Occom, who had aroused the 
interest of Christians throughout England, and who had 
preached in their churches the year before. 

The sequel of this journey is soon told. Tobias, when it 
was certain that he could not live, made over his right to rep- 
resent the tribe to his brother, and the assignment received 
the seal of the mayor of Edinburgh. John went on to London 
with Mr. Beatty, where his mission was a failure, as so many 
others were in those days. He returned to America in the 
September following, and became one of the head men of the 

Samuel Ashbow, the last in our catalogue, was connected 
with the school only about six months, but he deserves more 
extended notice, as he became a prominent Indian preacher. He 

" Wheelock Papers, Lett., May 14, 1768. 


was born at Mohegan in the year 17 18, and his epitaph records 
the fact that he was " one of the royal family." What his title 
to this honor was we do not know. The Mohegan councilor, 
Zachary Johnson, testified before William Williams that the 
grandfather of Samuel came from Springfield and fought in 
the war with the Pequots ; but it was acknowledged that " his 
right in the tribe was as good as that of Ben Uncas." His 
father was probably the Indian Ashobapow, named in a list of 
1692, abbreviated afterwards to Ashpo or Ashbow. Samuel 
was one of the pupils of Jonathan Barber in the Mohegan 
school, and was converted about the time Samson Occom was. 
He seems to have known Doctor Wheelock before the Indian 
school was established, for he first united with his church. In 
1753 he was teaching the Indian school at Mushantuxet, under 
the patronage of the commissioners at Boston, in whose records 
he is erroneously called John Ashpo. This school he taught 
until 1757, when he went into the government service as inter- 
preter. At that time he fell into intemperance. Doctor 
Wheelock says : "^ He behaved very well several years till he 
got into a bad company of sailors at New London and got 
drunk. He soon after came and with tears informed me of his 
fall and seemed much affected, and desired to make a public 
confession, and has never tasted since. "^"^ In 1759 he returned 
to Mushantuxet, where he taught the school and exercised his 
gifts as an Indian preacher. Soon after his conversion he had 
come under the influence of certain lay exhorters of the Sep- 
aratist school by whom he had been examined and ordained in 
their way. " He was not," says Doctor Wheelock, " one of the 
most bitter, sensorious, furious and uncharitable sort, but he 
has imbibed such independent and Brownistic principles as I 
find many good sort of people zealous to defend. ''^^ Rev. Jacob 
Johnson says he taught the school very well, but like Samson 

^*Wheelock Papers, Lett, to Rev. Gideon llawley, June, 1761. 


Wauby, who succeeded him in 1757, he could not write and 
cipher well enough, from which testimony we may judge of his 
education. ^^ He made his home among these Groton Indians 
for many years until he returned to Mohegan. In a census of 
1762 he is called their minister, and was living in a house, hav- 
ing a wife and six children. We conjecture that he had mar- 
ried Hannah Mamnack of the Wangunk tribe, for in 1765 they 
seem to be among those who had rights in the Mattabesett 
lands. Most of his children were sons, of whom four, Sam- 
uel, Simeon, James and John, died as soldiers in the Revolu- 
tion. It was in the year 1760 that he first entered the mis- 
sionary service, going to Onohoquaga. On his return he 
lodged at Doctor Wheelock's house. He brought news of " a 
great concern " among the Indians at Jeningo, to whom he 
was ready to go as a missionary. At that time Doctor Whee- 
lock was projecting such a venture ; but he hesitated in send- 
ing out one of Separatist notions. Ashbow, therefore, first 
made his peace with the orthodox fold by returning to his 
*' Duty and Privilege " in the North church of New London, 
to which he had taken a letter from Lebanon, agreeing to " de- 
sist from preaching until approved by those who may be ap- 
pointed to examine his qualifications."^^ Meanwhile he had 
been to Jeningo, and the Indians had invited him to become 
their minister. On the 29th of July, 1762, a small council met 
at Mohegan, consisting of Rev. Messrs. Wheelock, Jewett, 
Whitaker and Powers. They examined him " concerning his 
principles and knowledge in Christianity, and enquired into 
his moral character; and were so far satisfied as to advise that 
he be devoted to the study of divinity under the care and tui- 
tion of some divine for some convenient space of time, and 
then submit to another examination." In writing Rev. George 
Whitefield of this council, Wheelock said, " they advised to his 

10 Ibid., Lett, to Wlieelock, Feb. 3, 1757. 

'' Wheelock Papers, Lett., Jewett to Wheelock, Nov. i, 1761. 


being fitted as fast as may be for a mission, and accordingly I 
expect him to this school. "^^ He entered on the 25th of Sep- 
tember following, and studied under Doctor Wheelock during 
the autumn and winter, retaining his residence at Mushan- 
tuxet, and ministering to the Indians. At the annual "Con- 
vention of Ministers," held at the house of Rev. Elnathan 
Whitman in Hartford, May 12, 1763, a committee was ap- 
pointed to examine him with reference to a mission at Jeningo. 
He was approved and received this testimonial that he was a 
" Man of good Understanding in the most important Doctrines 
and Principles of Christianity, considering the great Disad- 
vantages he has been brought up under, and he appears to 
have a truly religious Turn of Mind and to be inspired with a 
well tempered zeal to introduce and spread the Knowledge of 
the true God and Saviour among his Savage lirethren in the 
Wilds of America." The committee accordingly approved of 
his " Preaching the Gospel among the Indians where the Prov- 
idence of God shall open the Door for it."^^ Doctor Whee- 
lock had meanwhile fitted him out for his mission, and he imme- 
diately set forth. He was, however, only away six weeks, 
being obliged to retreat on account of a rupture among the 
Indians in that region. In the spring of 1764, preparations 
were made to send him to the Onondagas. He went to Je- 
ningo in the summer of 1766, and remained there during the 
winter. It is said that he again fell into intemperance, but he 
reformed, and for years, upon the discontinuance of Whee- 
lock's missions, he labored among the New England Indians, 
especially at Niantic. His later affiliations were with the Bap- 
tists, and he never got rid of his Separatist opinions. ^"^ In his 
latter days he visited Occom's settlement at Brothertown, but 
he did not remove thither. So far as we know his life in his 

18 Wheelock Papers, Lett. Sept. 12, \'j(-,2. 

J" Wheelock Papers, May 12, 1763. 

20 Diary of David McClure, pp. i?9, 190. 


age was above reproach. Many of the whites knew and re- 
spected him. Sometimes he preached in their rural communi- 
ties. He died at Mohegan, and in the neglected burial-place, 
west of the Norwich and New London highway, about half a 
mile from the Mohegan church, his grave is marked by a 
stone bearing this epitaph : " In memo/y of Rev'^ Samuel 
Ashbow one of the Royal Family who died Nov' 7"' 1795 in 
the 77"' year of his age." Mrs. Hannah Ashbow, his wife, 
died July 10, 1801. This Mohegan minister was no doubt as 
useful as his education and circumstances would permit. He 
certainly had some talent as an exhorter and exercised consid- 
erable influence among the Indians whose religion was of the 
erratic and emotional type. 

This introduction we give to the pupils of Wheelock's 
Indian Charity School. It has always been said that this 
institution was a failure. The immediate results were not, in 
some cases, encouraging. Doctor Wheelock, who had de- 
pended on charity for their support, felt this most keenly. 
He surrendered, in consequence, his early purpose, and turned 
to the whites. Yet he himself, in his first Narrative, had said : 
"If the one half of the Indian Boys thus educated shall prove 
good and useful men, there will be no reason to regret our toil 
and expense for the whole." Of those who remained a suffi- 
cient time at the school to receive its impressions, the larger 
proportion led useful lives, and some of his disappointments 
afterwards brought him joy. The New England Indians, at 
least, justified his efforts in their behalf. The history of the 
Brothertown tribe is the sequel to his Indian Charity School. 
It must be remembered, moreover, that the foremost white 
missionaries of the time were among his pupils. The heroic 
life of Samuel Kirkland and some other ministers received an 
impulse in that school at the country crossroads. ^^ He never 

21 We have not seen any list of the white pupils at Wheelock's school while it was at 
I-ebanon. In 1762, he had three, in 1765, five, and others later. Those who are 


professed to establish a school for Indians alone. Coeduca- 
tion with the whites was a feature of his plan. This he 
endeavored to perpetuate, when, in 1770, the school removed 
to Hanover, N. H., and was incorporated with Dartmouth 

Some account should be given, in conclusion, of the manner 
in which this Indian school was conducted. Two descriptions 
have survived. One is Doctor Wheelock's own, as given in 
his first Narrative. Of the scholars, he says : 

They are obliged to be clean, and decently dressed, and be ready to 
attend Prayers before Sun-rise in the Fall and Winter, and at 6 o'clock in 
the Summer. A Portion of Scripture is read by several of the Seniors of 
them : And those who are able answer a Question in the Assembly's Cate- 
chism, and have some Questions asked them upon it, and an Answer 
expounded to them. After Prayers, and a short Time for their Diversion, 
the School begins with Prayer about 9, and ends at 12, and again at 2 and 
ends at 5 o'clock with Prayer. Evening Prayer is attended before the Day- 
light is gone &c. They attend the publick Worship, and have a Pew 
devoted to their Use in the Kouse of God. On Lord's-Day Morning, 
between and after the Meetings, the Master, or some one whom they will 
submit to, is with them, inspects their Behaviour, hears them read, cate- 
chises them, discourses to them &c. And once or twice a AVeek they hear 
a Discourse calculated to their Capacities upon the most important and 
interesting Subjects. And in general they are orderly and governable : 
They appear to be as perfectly easy and contented with their Situation and 
Employment as any at a Father's House. I scarcely hear a Word of their 
going Home, so much as for a visit, for years together, except it be when 
they first come.-- 

The Other account is found in a letter from Mr. John Smith, 
a Boston merchant, who was interested in the school, and 

known to have been pupils there are : Samuel Kirkland, Samuel Gray, David Avery. 
Phineas Dodge, Eleazar Sweetland, David McClure. Levi Frisbie, Augustine Hib- 
bard, Allyn Mather, John McClarren Breed, Josiah Dunham, John Hall, and Josiah 
Pomerov. We conjecture that Sylvanus Ripley and Ebenezer Gurley may also have 
studied there. Gray, Frisbie, and Ripley graduated at Dartmouth College in 1771, 
Gurley and Hibbard in 1772, and Sweetland in 1774. [Chapman's Alumni of Dart. 
Co//.] McChu-e, Avery, and Hall graduated at ^■ale College in 1769, Dreed in 176S. 
Pomeroy in 1770, and Dunham died while in college. 

-^IV/iee/ock's Narrative, 1763, p. 36 ; Cf., Diary of David McClure, p. S. 


visited it in 1764. He found, before reaching the place, that 
Mr. Wheelock had the reverence of a man of God, and that his 
school was held in high esteem. His description is as fol- 
lows : 

I reached his house a little before the evening sacrifice, and was movingly 
touched on giving out the psalm to hear an Indian youth set the time, and 
the others following him and singing the tenor and bass with remarkable 
gravity and seriousness; and though Mr. Wheelock, the schoolmaster and 
a minister from our Province (called, as I was, by curiosity) joined in Praise, 
yet they, unmoved, seemed to have nothing to do but to sing to the Glory of 
God. I omit Mr. Wheelock's prayer, and pass to the Indians; in the 
morning when on ringing the schoolhouse bell they assemble at Mr. 
Wheelock's house about five o'clock with their master, who named the 
chapter in course for the day, and called upon the near Indian, who read 
three or four verses, till the master said " Proximus," and then the next 
Indian read some verses, and so on till all the Indians had read the whole 
chapter. After this, Mr. Wheelock prays, and then each Indian parses a 
verse or two of the chapter they had read. After this they entered succes- 
sively on Prosodia, and then on Disputations on some questions pro- 
pounded by themselves in some of the arts and sciences. And it is really 
charming to see Indian youths of different tribes and languages in pure 
English reading the word of God and speaking with exactness and accu- 
racy on points (either chosen by themselves or given out to them) in the 
several arts and sciences; and especially to see this done with at least a 
seeming mixture of obedience to God, a filial love and reverence to Mr. 
Wheelock, and yet with great ambition to excel each other. And indeed in 
this morning's exercises I saw a youth degraded one lower in the class who 
before the exercises were finished not only recovered his own place, but 
was advanced two higher. I learnt that my surprise was common to min- 
isters and other persons of literature who before me had been to visit this 
school, or rather College, for I doubt whether in colleges in general a 
better education is to be expected; and in mentioning this to a gentlemen 
in this town who had visited this Seminary, he acquainted me that he 
intended at his own charge to send his son to obtain his education in mix- 
ture with these Indians. There were 4 or 5 of these Indians, from 21 to 24 
years of age, who did not mix with the youth in these exercises ; these I 
learnt were perfected in their literature, and stand ready to be sent among 
the Indians to keep schools and occasionally to preach as doors open. On 
my return, Mr. Wheelock accompanied me a few miles; and on passing by 
one house, he said, here lives one of my Indian girls, who was, I hope con- 


verted last week ; and calling to the farmer, he, unperceived, brought the 
young girl into our sight; and the pleasure was exquisite to seethe savage- 
ness of an Indian moulded into the sweetness of a follower of the Lamb.-'^ 

Such was the school which these Indian pupils attended — 
unpretentious in its buildings, without charter or other trus- 
tees than its friends, dependent wholly upon the charity of 
a few, and the meager assistance of burdened societies — a 
school created, maintained and governed by a country min- 
ister of Connecticut, who had an idea and a will to carry it out.. 

23 Wheelock Papers, Lett. May i8, 1764. 


OCCOM'S missions to the ONEIDA INDIANS 

The most attractive field for the missionary enterprise of 
New England about the middle of the eighteenth century, was 
among the Six Nations of New York. The influence of this 
alliance of savages had long been recognized, and their con- 
version to Christianity had been years before the fond dream 
of the Jesuits. Among them, too, the Episcopal church had 
labored through "The Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts." ^ But interest in these tribes had 
been revived in consequence of the French and Indian War. 
On the 2d of June, 1747, the commissioners of the "Society 
for Propagating the Gospel," meeting at Boston, appointed a 
committee to look up a suitable person to go among the Six 
Nations, the same to be supported by the benefaction of Rev. 
Dr. Williams. Rev. Elihu Spencer was finally secured, and in 
the autumn of 1748 he was established on the Susquehanna 
river. He returned the next year and was released.^ In 1753 

1 Humphreys's ///.r/<7;'/V(7/ Account ; Hawkins' Historical Notices of the Missio7is 
of the Church of England ; Anderson's Colonial Churchy III, 286 ff ; and Prof. 
A. G. Hopkins in Trans. Oneida Hist. Soc, tS86, 

2 Elihu Spencer, the son of Isaac and Mary (Selden) Spencer, was born Feb. 12, 
1721, at East Haddam, Conn., being a second cousin of David and Jolin Brainerd. 
He graduated at Yale College in 1746, studied theology, was with John Brainerd 
among the Indians in the winter of 1747, and with Jonathan Edwards the following 
summer, and was ordained with a mission in view, Sept. 12, 1748, at Boston. After 
leaving the mission he was in the Presbyterian ministry at Elizabeth, N. J., Jamaica. 
L. I., and Trenton, N. J. He died Dec. 27, 1784. — Dexter's Yale Biographies, II, 89: 
Sprague's Annals. Ill, 165 ; Hopkins's Hist. Mem. of the Housatitnnuk Indians ; 
and MS. Rec. Soc. for Prop. Cos. 



the same society sent out Rev. Gideon Hawley, who labored 
at Onohoquaga until 1756. He then became the Indian mis- 
sionary at Marshpee, though he visited his old field in 1761 
and 1765. Mr. Hawley was the most successful missionary 
who had hitherto labored in that region. ^ He hid the good 
seed at least in a few hearts where it germinated. One of his 
converts was Gwedelhes Agwerondongwas, or "Good Peter," 
who grew in strength like an oak, and in whom the charter of 
the faith was safely kept for many a day."* To him and his 
fellow laborer, Isaac Dakayenensere, a reference is made in 
Kirkpatrick's letter which we shall presently quote. 

3 Gideon Hawley, the son of Gideon and Hannah Hawley, was born in Stiatfield, 
Conn., Nov. 5, 1727. He graduated at Yale College in 1749, and was licensed to 
preach by the Fairfield East Association, May i, 1750. In February, 1752, he became 
instructor in the Mohawk School at Stockbridge, Mass. At the suggestion of Jona- 
than Edwards, he went in May, 1753, on a mission to Susquehanna, having Mr. and 
Mrs. Benjamin Ashly as interpreters. Having engaged in this service for a year, he 
was ordained as the missionary there under the Society for Propagating the Gospel, 
July 31, 1754, at the Old South Church in Boston. He continued in this field until 
1756, served as chaplain of Col. Richard Gridley's regiment in the expedition against 
Crown Point, and in 1757 was engaged as missionary among the Indians at Marsh- 
pee, where he was installed April 8, 175S, and labored until his death, Oct. 3, 1807. — 
Dexter's Yale Biographies^ II, 205 ; Sprague's Annals^ 1, 497 ; Doc. Hist, of N. K, 
8°, III, 1031 ; and MS. Rec. Sac. for Prop. Cos. 

* Gwedelhes Agwerondongwas [Agwelentongwas] as Wheelock spelled the name, 
or " Good Peter " [Domine Peter, Peter the Priest, Petrus the Minister] was a chief 
of the Oneida tribe and belonged to the Eel Clan. He was born early in the century 
on the Susquehanna River, and was one of the prominent friends of Hawley's mis- 
sions there. After his conversion he acquired some education and could read and 
write fairly well. His greatest gift was in Indian oratory, in which he had no equal 
among the Six Nations. After Hawley left the field he carried on the work alone, 
preaching and making missionary tours among his people ; and throughout his life 
he was foremost in all such efforts. The universal testimony is that he was judi- 
cious, sober, faithful and consistent as a Christian, and did much to enlighten his 
people. Rev. Eli Forbes testified that he was as eminent a Christian as any among 
the English. Rev. Samuel Kirkland, in a letter of Dec. 26, 1792, records his death 
at Buffalo Creek while attending the Grand Council there, and adds this tribute: 
" The Oneidas have sustained an almost irreparable loss in tlie death of Good f'eter. 
His equal is nowhere to be found in all the five nations." He had been one of Kirk- 
land's deacons. A portrait of him is said to have been once exhibited in Mr. Stew- 
ard's museum in Hartford, and John Trunibull's miniature painted in 1792 is in the 
Yale Art School. 


The attention of the New York correspondents of the 
Scotch Society having been turned toward Samson Occom as 
a suitable person to undertake a mission to some distant tribe, 
they were only awaiting a favorable opportunity to send him 
forth. This Indian minister, though continuing at Montauk 
after his ordination, was uneasy there, having hopes of larger 
usefulness than that small tribe offered him. A call to service 
soon came by a letter which he received in the last days of 
1760. It is given in full from the manuscript in the Con- 
necticut Historical Society : — 

New York, Novf 25*11 1760 

Rev*! Sir. 

Having been called, in this last Summers Campaign, to act in 
the Capacity of Chaplain to the N. Jersey Regim^ commanded by Col. 
Peter Schuyler, I think it my Duty to inform you — That, in our March from 
Fort Stanwix to the Oneida Lake, we happend to meet with a Number of 
the Oneida Indians, who seemed to pay a great Respect to that sacred 
Character, which, from my Apparrel, they easily imagined I sustained — 
and upon entring into Conversation with them, they agreably surpriz'd me 
by discovering an earnest Desire of having a Minister setled among them — 
They informed me that they had collected together (I think) 300 Dollars 
for erecting an House of Worship, which would be applied to that Purpose 
as soon as they cou'd get a Minister — They likewise informed me that they 
had their Children baptized by Ministers in their occasional Visits— and 
desired me to marry a Couple which I complied with — They appear to have 
considerable Notions of a Supreme Being, and of Revealed Religion— and 
there are two Indians of their Nation who attempt something like Preach- 
ing on the Sabbath Days. I was further informed by them that not only 
their own Nation of the Oneidas, But also their Cousins, the Tuscaroras 
were willing to join in this Affair — and they pressed it upon me to endeavor 
to send them a Minister, and promised, if I did, they would be Kind 
to him. 

I came under Obligations to use my Influence to have their Desires in 
this Respect fulfilled. In consequence therefore of my Promise I now 
write to you — As I have been informed, Sir, you have lately enter'd into 
the Doors of the Sanctuary, and stand waiting for Employment in any Part 
of God's House where he shall providentially call you, therefore I hope you 
will be easily induced to engage in this important Mission — I hope, Sir, 
your own zeal and forwardness in the Cause of God and for the Salvation 


of the Heathen supersedes the Necessity of using any Argum.'" I sho'd 
however add a few were it not that I write in the greatest Hurry, and prin- 
cipally as a Historian of these undoubted facts — for other Argum.'s and 
Encourag.ts in this Affair I refer you to M' Bostwick's Letter, and in the 
greatest Hurry subscribe myself. Rev.^ and dear Sir. 

Your Bro"" and Fellow Labourer in the 
Work of the Gospel Ministry 


[To Rev. Samson Occom] 

The hurried visit which Rev. William Kirkpatrick had paid 
to the Oneidas led him to write in too sanguine a strain of 
their condition. It appears that, on his return to New York, 
he had mentioned the affair to Rev. David Bostwick, president 
of the correspondents of the Scotch Society, who had inspired 
the above letter and who also soon wrote Occom, giving some 
encouragement of the necessary support if he would go on 
this mission. Rev. Samuel Buell was greatly interested. It 
was such a field as he had hoped his Indian friend would find. 
The time had come for him to print his sermon, preached at 
Occom's ordination. This he did and he added his own letter 
to Mr. Bostwick. He referred to Mr. Kirkpatrick's letter when 
he wrote : " We receive the information as well authenticated 
that the Oneida Indians (to whom Mr. Occom is going) make 
the first motion themselves and earnestly request that a gospel 
minister may be sent among them." He also wrote to Doctor 
Wheelock, January 13, 1761, saying "Several letters have 
come to hand (I mean to Mr. Occum and myself) from gentle- 
men westward ... a glorious door seems opening for 
their [Six Nations] being evangelized and for promoting your 
important school."" This letter arrived at Lebanon on the 
29th instant with one from Occom on the same subject. Doc- 
tor Wheelock was thus led to add a postscript to the letter 
which, on that day, he had written to Mr, William Hyslop of 
Boston so warmly commending David Fowler. In this he 

5 McCliire's Mem. of Wheelock, p. 226. 


said, "I am informed y* in consequence of the Invitation of a 
number of ministers at the westward (I suppose the Corres- 
pondent Commissioners in N, Jersie) Mr. Occom has deter- 
mined to go early next spring on a Mission to the Oneida 
Indians. He has wrote me desiring that David Fowler, his 
Brother in Law, the Indian of whom I wrote in ye foregoing 
Letter may go with him a few months."^ Moved, therefore, 
by the desire to send Fowler with Occom to secure some 
Mohawk youth for his school, Doctor Wheelock visited Boston 
and met the correspondents of the Scotch Society. Upon his 
representation they voted, May 7th, " That the Reverend Mr. 
Wheelock of Lebanon be desired to fit out David Fowler, an 
Indian Youth, to accompany Mr. Sampson Occom, going on a 
Mission to the Oneidas, that said David be supported on said 
Mission for a Term not exceeding 4 Months, and that he 
endeavour on his Return to bring with him a Number of Indian 
Boys, not exceeding three, to be put under Mr. Wheelock's 
Care and Instruction."^ Thus encouraged, David Fowler was 
made ready. Occom was intending to start about the middle 
of May, but he was delayed at Montauk by illness. Fowler 
was sent to Mohegan to see if they had news of him.^ Every- 
thing was ready and delay at that season might be disastrous. 
On the 30th of May Occom left his home at Montauk, went to 
Easthampton to bid his friend Mr. Buell farewell, tarried a 
day at Mohegan with his mother and on the 8th of June 
arrived at Lebanon. 

On the loth of June, at three o'clock in the afternoon, an 
interesting group was gathered before Doctor Wheelock's 
house opposite the Lebanon sky-blue church. It was one of 
those historic scenes which might inspire the artist — the dig- 
nified Connecticut minister, the comforting presence of his 

'' Wheelock Papers, Lett. Jan. 29, 1761. 

'' Wheelock'' s Narrative, 1763, p. 39. 

^ Conii. Hist. Soc, Lett. Wheelock to Occom, May 27, 1761. 


matronly companion, a few Indian boys and the young man 
from a neighboring minister's household, known by name as 
Samuel Kirkland, but then unknown to fame. Two horses are 
led out and two Indians leap to their backs, the one a Mohe- 
gan in his prime, the other an athletic young Montauk— and 
thus they set forth to carry the gospel and civilization to the 
Oneida Indians. These were the first missionaries sent out 
under the auspices of Connecticut people. The day had come 
of which Wheelock had often dreamed — that country parson 
whom an Oneida chief once called " The Great Minister that 
takes the care of Indians." 

Samson Occom shall give his own account of his journey: 

Wednesday June y^' 10 about 3 P. M. Ihother David and I took Leave 
of Mr Wheelock and his Family and Sot out on our Journey for Onoyda 
by way of New York — Reach'd Heartford about 9 at Night, Lodg'd [at] 
Cap*^ Daniel Bulls, and were very kindly Treated— the Man seems to be 
Truely Religious, keep very good order in his House. 

Thirdsday June y^ 11 about 9 in the Morning we Sot out on our Journey, 
and got about 6 miles Westward of N. Haven and Lodg'd at one Wood- 
roffs — 

Fryday June y*' 12. Sot [out] Early in the Morning, got to Stanford at 
Night Lodgd at a Certain Tavern — 

Saturday June y*^ 13. Went on our way, got within 5 miles of the City 
of New York, and turn'd in to one M"" Goldsmiths. 

Sabbath June y« 14 taried at Goldsmiths, we did not go to the City to 
Publick Worship for fear of the Small Pox, being Informed very Brief 
[rife .''] there — But I never Saw a Sabbath Spent so by any Christian Peo- 
ple in my Life as some Spent it here. Some were Riding in Chairs, some 
upon Horse Back orthers traveling foot. Passing and Repassing all Day 
long, and all Sorts of Evil Noisps Caried on by our [door] Drunkards were 
Realing and Stagaring in the Streets, others tumbling off their Horses, 
there were others at work in their farms, and [if] ever any People under 
the Heavens Spoke Flells Language, these People did, for their Mouths 
were full of Cursings, Prophaning Gods Holy Name — I greatly Mistake if 
these are not the sons and Daughters of Belial. 

O thou God of Heaven, thou y^ Hast all the Hearts of the Children of 
men in thine Hands, Leave me not to Practice the Works of these People, 
but help me, O Lord to take warning and to take heed to my self according 


to thy Holy Word, and have mercy upon the Wicked, Convince and Con- 
vert them to thy Self, for thine own glory. 

I have thought there was no Heathen but the wild Indians, but I think 
now there is some English Heathen, where they Enjo}' the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ too, Yea, I believe they are worse than y<^ Savage Heathens of the 
wilderness, — I have thought that I had rather go with the meanest and 
most Dispis'd creature on Earth to Heaven, than to Go with the greatest 
Monarch Down to Hell, after a- Short Enjoyment of Sinful Pleasures with 
them in this World — I am glad there is one defect in the Indian Language, 
and I believe in all their Languages they Can't Curse or sware or take 
god's Name in Vain in their own Tongue. 

Monday June y^ 15, to the City, and were Conducted to M"" Well's at 
fresh waters and were Very Kindly receiv'd by him and by all his Family. 
I believe the Fear of God [is] in their House and this was our Home as long 
as we Stay'd in the place. The People of the City were Extreamely kind to 
us there was not a Day Scarsly, but that I was invited to Dine with one 
Gentleman or other. The Ministers of all Sects and Denominations were 
uncommonly kind to me — my Friends Increased Daily while at New York. 

Thirdsday June y^ 25 we left New York and went on our Journey, 
Reach'd Peekskills at Night — 

Fryday June 26 Sot out very Early in the Morning and we made it Night 
at Rynbeck. 

Saturday June y^ 27 Sot out very Early, and made it Night between 
Claverack and Kinderhook — 

Sabbath June y^ 28. Went to Kinderhook about five Miles, and there 
Stopt all Day, — but did not go to Publick Worship, Because the People 
were Barbarians to us and we to them, in our Toungs, they were Dutch. 

Monday June y'' 29 left the Place very Early, and got to Albany about 12 
o'c and were Conducted to one M' Hants Vn Santvoord & taried there and 
the People in Albany were very kind to us, I went to wait upon his Excel- 
lency, Gen.i' Amherst the After Noon after we got to Albany, but he was 
busy and I Coud not see him, one of his waiters Came out to me, and told 
me I should have the Generals Assistance and I should make my Appear- 
ance about 10 in the Morning. 

Tuesday June y*^ 30. I made my Ap])earance before his Excellency at the 
Time Apointed according to orders, his Excellence Met me at the Door 
and told me he had wrote a Pass for me, and he unfolded it and Read it to 
me, and when he had Read it, he Delivered it to me, and gave me good 
Advice and Counsel and wish'd me success in my undertaking & I return'^ 
unfeigned Thanks to him and then took my leave of him &c — The Pass 
which he gave me was very good one indeed, which I will coppy Down 


By his Excellency Jeffery Amherst & Esq* Major General, and Com- 
mander in Chief of all His Majestys Forces in North America &c &c &c — 
To All Whom it may Concern 

Whereas the Correspondents of the Society in Scotland for Propagating 
Christian Knowledge, have Acquainted me that the Bearer hereof, the 
Revd M"" Occom, is sent by them, as a Missionary to Reside amongst the 
Indians about the Onoyda Lake, These are to order and direct the offi- 
, cers Commanding at the Several Posts, to give him any Aid or Assistance 
he may Stand in need of to forward him on his Journey, and on his Arival 
at y** Onoyda Lake, the officer Commanding there will grant him all the 
Protection and Countenance he may want, in the Execution of his Duty &c 
Given under my Hand & Seal at Head Quarters in Albany, this 29^'' Day 
of June 1 761 

By his Excellencys 
•Command Jei'F- Amherst 

Arthur Muir 
Wednesday July y'^^ i left Albany about 10 in the Morning, got to Scenec- 
tady about 3 in the after Noon. Stayed there one Night. 

Thirdsday July 2 Went from Senectady In Company with Colo' Whit- 
ing and Di" Rodman, they Seemed to be Quite Friendly gentlemen to us, 
we got about Seven miles westward of Sir William Johnsons. 

Fryday July y*^ 3 went to See Sir William at his Farm Seven Miles out 
off the Road, in the Wilderness, got there about 9 in the Morning, and 
were very Kindly Entertained by his Honor. I Showed him my Recom- 
mendatory Letters, and a Pass from Gen' Amherst, he Promised me his 
Assistance as Need Should Require, he was exceeding free with me in con- 
versation — But we stayd there but about two Hours, for he was geting in 
Readines to go on our way on the Next Day towards Detroit with five Bat- 
tows Laden with Presents for the Indians, he said he wou'd overtake us on 
the Morrow before Night— We took Leave of his Honor and went our 
way, after we had got to the Main Road, we Call'd in at Certain House, and 
there vfe were Detained one Night by a Storm. 

Saturday July y'' 4. Went on our Journey and Reach'd the German flats 
at Night, and we Turn'd in at one M"" Frank's, a Tavern Keeper- 
Sabbath July ye 5 we stay'' at M^ Franks, but did not go to Publick Wor- 
ship with the People, because they Spoke unknown Toungue to us. But it 
did Seem like Sabbath by the appearance of the People- 
July the 6— Sir William came to us at M' Franks 

Tuesday July y'^^ 7. Sir William and the Chiefs of the Onoyda Indians 
Met at this Place, to make up a Breach, which one of the Indians made 
lately, by Killing a Dutchman, they talked about an Hour at this Time, 


and then Brok up. Towards Night they Met together again, and talk'd 
together about 3 quarters of an Hour, then finaly Brock up without being 
fully Satisfied on both sides for, the Indians Insisted upon an old agree- 
ment that was Settled between them and the English formerly, that if any 
Such Acident Should ever happen between them in Peaceable Times, they 
Shou'd make it up in an Amicable manner without sheding of Blood. 
But Sir William told them it was the Comand of General Amherst, that 
the murderer Sho'^ be delivered up to Justice — but the Indians said, 
that [the] murderer was gone off no body knows where &c.^ 

What further transpired during Samson Occom's first mis- 
sion to the Oneida Indians must be gathered from other 
sources, as the diary suddenly breaks off. It appears that the 
correspondents at New York, though they had urged Occom 
to undertake this service, had not made ready to support him. 
His own account is given in a letter to Doctor Wheelock : 

Nf.w York, Tune ye 24, 1761. 
Revd Sir. 

We reached New York y« 15 Inst and to my Surprize, the Gentlemen 
had concluded not [to] send me at all, and all the Reason that they can 
give is, they are affraid the Indians will kill me. I told them, they cou'd 
not kill me but once, and told them I intended to Proceed on my Journey 
and if I Perish for want of Support I perish. But I intended to use your 
Money Sir that David has with him, and when they Perceived my Resolu- 
tion, they Emediately Consulted the Matter and Concluded that T should 
go, and a Collection should be made for me, and Recommendations shou'd 
be sent by me to Gen^ Amherst and to Sir William. 

And the whole Matter is Acomplished to my Surprize beyond all my 
expectations. The Last Sabbath after the afternoon Service was over at 
M"" Bostwick's Congregation, they ma'de a Collection for me and my 
Family's support, and it mounted to ;^6o, s. 15, d. 7, and Monday Evening 
the Baptists made a Collection for me at their Meeting Plouse and it 
mounted to £1'}^. And my Recommendations are done by the Most Noted 
Gentlemen of this Place, not only to the generals, but to other gen" of 
their Acquaintance, from this City to the furthermost English Settlements. 
The People are uncommonly kind to us in this great City. But we live in 
y*^ suburbs with one Obediah Wells an old Disciple. I am Invited to the 
City every Day to Dine with Some gentleman or other. Some times Two 
or three Invitations at once. Especially the Ministers of all Sects and 

" Occom'' s MS. Diary, Dartmouth College. 



Denominations are Extreamly kind to me — Yesterday 3 o'c P. M. I was 
Intr[oduced] to wait upon his [Excellency] Colden, President and Com- 
mander in Chief in the Province of N. York, and [he] wished me good 
Success and Gave me good advice and Counsil — I believe tomorrow Morn- 
ing we Shall [set] out from here on our Way to Onoyda. 

Please to remember us in your Fatherly Pray' Continually. Except Duty 
and Sutable Regards to the Family from 

Your Most Obedient Indian Son 

Samson Occom.^^ 

To Revd Mr. \Vhp:elock 

The recommendations to which reference is made were 
signed by Hon. William Smith, Rev. David Bostwick, Mr. 
P. V. B. Livingston, IMr. David Vanhorne, and William Liv- 
ingston, Esq. These, with the passport of General Amherst 
and letters which he bore from Doctor Wheelock and others to 
Sir William Johnson, were a guarantee of favor and protection. 

In response to Doctor Wheelock's request. Sir William John- 
son sent on from German Flats, where he then was on his way 
to Detroit, the three Indian boys, who arrived on the ist of 
August.^^ One of these was Joseph Brant. Fowler was going 
on farther, partly to accompany Occom, but also in the hope 
of conducting other boys whom Sir William Johnson intended 
to secure farther west. He had even been authorized to go 
as far as the Senecas, but he tarried with Occom among the 
Oneidas. From German Flats they went on with Sir William 
Johnson to Oneida Old Castle, where they arrived on the i6th 
of July. We have in Johnson's diary the following entry as to 
that day : 

Thursday i6th.— Sent off the baggage boat, and went up in a whale boat 
toward the Oneida Old Castle, iii order to meet with the chiefs of that 
place, who were sent for the night before; but they not being at home, I 
delivered what I had to say to one of their chiefs in the presence of several 
of their women, and tlie Reverend Mr. Oaum, whom I very strongly rec- 
ommended to them, as I did, also, a friendly behavior toward all their 

10 Wheelock Papers. 

1' McClure's Mem. of Wheelock, p. 228. 


brethren, that I might hear no more complaints against them on my return, 
nor from them against the officers, soldiers or others as usual. i- 

This was a very auspicious introduction which Occom and 
Fowler thus had to the Oneidas. The best account we have 
of their labors is in a letter which Doctor Wheelock wrote to 
Rev. George Whitefield.-^^ It is as follows : 

My black Son M"" Occom has lately returned from his Mission to the 
Onoyadas, and the last week I had the Pleasure to see him with one of that 
nation (who designs to winter with him and learn the English Language & 
teach M^" Occom Mohawke) and I was agreeably entertained with M' 
Occom's Journal, I can only suggest to you a few things most material in 
it. And to begin where I left off in my Last. When he first came among 
them they seemed shy of him thro' a Jealosie that something was designed 
by the English against them, but when Gen^ Johnson had read his Letters 
Recommendatory, they appeared well satisfied & much pleased, and as ^ 
Testimony of it the Kings of the Onoydas and Tuscaroras, & many others 
of their Chiefs came & shook hands with him and bid him wellcome among 
them. Their Chiefs then held a Council to fix upon the best methods to 
accomodate him with that which was necessary for his comfortable subsist- 
ance among them, and you would not wonder that their Chiefs held a coun- 
cel upon this Head if you knew how extreamly poor they are, having scarce 
anything that may be called Bread or anything else except what they get by 
hunting to subsist upon. They proposed to M"^ Occom to Chuse where to 
Live, and whether to live in a house already Built. He chose the Place 
and let them know y^ he chose to live with David (my Indian Schollar) and 
to live by themselves. They immediately built him a House the structure 
of which, could the Form & Workmanship thereof be truly represented, 
might gratify not a little the curiosity of a Brittain, though there was noth- 
ing in it yt resembled the Temple of old save that there was not the noise 
of axes or Hammers in the Building of it. The Materials were the simple 
Product of nature, the Remains of the Oakes & chestnuts fell many years 
ago by the violence of wiad. Many of them attended his Ministry & 
appeared attentive. Numbers from distant Nations came to hear him, and 
some seemed really desirous to understand and know the truths which 
most nearly concerned them. And when he was about to leave them their 
chiefs held another council. The consequence of^ which was that Old 
Connoquies (who had been King among the Onoyadas but had now resigned 
by Reason of Age) the King of the Tuscaroras and other Chiefs, presented 

^2 Stone's Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, II, 432. 
»3 Wheelock Papers, Leit. Nov. 25, 1761. 



him a Belt of Wampum to these Instructions which he received from old 
Connoquies, viz. 

I — We are glad from the inside of our Hearts that you are come hear to 
teach the right way of God. We are also thankful to those who sent you, 
and above all to God 

2 — We intend by the help of God to repent of all our sins and all our 
heathenish ways & customs. We will put them all behind our Backs, and 
will never look on them again but will look strait forward and run after 

3 — If we shall try to set up a School we beg the Assistance of the Eng- 
lish if they see fit. 

4 — We desire that strong Drink may be prohibited, that it may not be 
brought among us for we find it kills our Bodies and Souls; and we will try 
to hinder it here. 

5 — We desire to be protected on our Lands, that none may molest or 
encroach upon us. 

6 — This Belt of Wampum shall bind us fast together in perpetual I>ove 
and Friendship. 

Mr. Occom delivered it to those Gentlemen to whom it was directed, but 
obtained their Leave to bring it hither to gratify my Curiosity, and a curi- 
ous Girdle it is. M"" Occom says it could not be made for less than £\^ 

This address was delivered to Occom in the council-house 
after an hour's deliberation, and in the presence of " a great 
number of Indians." He regarded the occasion as significant 
— the Oneidas' formal welcome to Christianity.^^ As this 
meeting was on the i8th of September, the night before he 

^* The whereabouts of this famous wampum belt is now unknown to us. Two years 
afterwards the Indians wished it returned, thinking themselves neglected. yNarra- 
tive, 1767, p. 28.] Doctor Wheelock had sent it back to New Vorl:. When Occom 
went to England, Doctor Whitaker wrote for it, as follows: " Mr. Occom says 
yt w'l he was in N. York last fall, he saw the religious belt of Wampom sent by him 
to New York when he returned from his Mission among the Oneidas, which belt was 
to be sent to Scotland. He says it was then in Judge \Vni Smiths. . . . This 
would be of great use to us as Mr. Occom remembers the Speach. Pray procure it 
and send it to us in all haste" [Wheelock Papers, Lett. December 3, 1765]. They 
received it either before they sailed or after reaching London, and it was used in pre- 
senting the cause to the General Assembly and churches in Scotland [Communica- 
tion in the New London Gazette, Sept. 25, 1767, dated at Edinburgh, July S, 1767]. 

15 W/ieelock's Narrative, 1767, pp. 27, 28. The date here sliould be the iSth 
instead of the 8th, as we learn from other sources. 



left them, he had been there about nine weeks. A part of 
the time Edward Johnson had been his interpreter; but such a 
method of communication was unsatisfactory. Therefore, he 
took a young Oneida Indian home with him as his tutor in the 
language during the winter. He and Fowler soon learned to 
speak in the Oneida tongue with fluency, and to some extent 
they acquired the languages of other tribes. 

While Occom was at Oneida, he wrote a letter, it seems, to 
Mr. Bostwick, giving some account of his experiences. There- 
upon the president of the correspondents addressed a commu- 
nication to the directors of the society in Scotland, September 
23d, which was printed in connection with the anniversary 
sermon of Thomas Randall in 1763.-^^ From this we quote Mr. 
Bostwick's opinion of the mission and the missionary : 

He has met with a very favourable reception ; perhaps the more so, on 
account of his being an Indian, He writes, That there are four considera- 
ble towns on the Oneyda lake : That they have already built a house for 
religious worship, where he preaches every Lord's day : That he has bap- 
tized five or six persons this summer; and that there are many adjacent 
tribes among whom he intends to make excursions. He has retained his 
mother-tongue, and can speak the language of his own tribe (which is the 
Mohegon) something better than he can the English. But the Oneyda lan- 
guage differs so much from the Mohegan, that he is obliged to use an inter- 
preter for the present, tho' doubtless he would learn their language well in 
a little time, could he reside among them. He is married to an Indian 
woman, who is also esteemed truly pious, and has six children, with whom 
he would gladly dwell in the wilderness if he could be supported as a Mis- 
sionary, and very easily might his children be educated in that language — 
He v/ell understands the bissiness of farming, having chiefly supported his 
family by it, while he preached to the handful of Indians upon Long Island ; 
and therefore, could instruct the Indians in cultivating their lands, which 
are very good. He has acquired a tolerable acquaintance with Latin, 
Greek and Hebrew, with the sciences &c. and is really a good Divine. His 

16 Supplement to Randall's sermon on "Christian Benevolence," preached Jan. 3, 
1763, with the title "An Account of some late Attempts by the Correspondents of the 
Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge to Christianize the North American 
Indians. Edinburgh. Printed in the Year M.DCC.LXIII." 8° pp. 12. 



piety is unquestionable, having been manifested by a more than ten years 
exemplary conduct. His temper is very amiable and Christian like, full of 
humility and meekness. His heart is much set on preaching the gospel to 
the Indians, and he seems willing to spend and be spent, to do or suffer any- 
thing for their conversion and salvation. In short, nothing is wanting to fix 
him there, but a support. He purposes to come down this autumn and 
spend the winter with his family (yet on Long Island), and 'tis likely he 
will try to remove his family to the Oneyda lake in the spring. We shall 
endeavour to support him by contribution till some surer method can be 
found or assistance be obtained from some charitable Society in Scotland 
or England. I therefore humbly request, as this event has opened so 
agreeable a prospect for spreading the gospel among the Heathen, that the 
Society would receive Mr. Occom as their Missionary with proper instruc- 
tions, and liberty to draw upon them for such salary as they shall fix ; and 
would commit the ipanagement of said mission to those of the Correspond- 
ents who reside in this city, as we are most convenient to write to, or receive 
intelligence from that part of the wilderness. 

His journey homeward was begun on the 19th of September 
from Kanawarohare via Tuscarora and Old Oneida. At the 
latter place he preached on the following Sabbath to a large 
assembly of Indians. On the 25th they were at Fort Herki- 
mer, and Occom was compelled to remain there several days 
because his horse strayed. He was then somewhat broken in 
health. The life in the wilderness had so affected his eyes 
that he had been unable to read or write for some weeks. 
During his mission he had received no word from Doctor 
Wheelock, though several letters had been sent. Fowler 
probably left him there, going directly to Lebanon, and 
Occom returned by the way of New York to Montauk, where 
he arrived on the 22d of October. Thus ended his first mis- 
sion to those Oneida villages where Samuel Kirkland after- 
wards spent his life. 

He set out on his second mission in the month of June. 
1762. That season he did not have the companionship of 
David Fowler. This Mercury of the Indian missions made a 
trip to Johnson Hall in behalf of the school, and return.-.] ih,- 

96 SA A/so AT OCCOM 

i8th of July with three Indian youth. ^^ The best account we 
have of the Oneida mission that season is in a letter from 
Doctor Wheelock to Rev. George Whitefield : 

Lebanon 16 Sep*" 1762 
My very dear and Hon'i Sir. 

David, my Indian Scholar returned July 18 from the Mohawk Country, 
where I informed you in my last I sent him, and bro* with him 4 Indian 
Boys, three Mohawks and one of the Farmington Tribe. The Boys and 
Girls which I expected from Onoyada were detained by their Parents on 
accot of a Rumour, & Suspicion of a War just comencing between them 
and the Nations back of them and in such a case they %^ they did not 
chuse to have their Children at such a distance from them, but perhaps 
they were Suspicious y* they should be obliged to Joyn those Nations 
against the English. The English youth of which I informed you, who has 
been a Captive with the Senecas till he is Master of their Language, and 
which I sent for with a view to fit him for the Interpreter to that Nation, 
was under such ingagements to a Trader at Block Fort as that he could 
not get released for the present. I have again wrote to Gen^ Johnson who 
was not at Home when David was there till the Night before David came 
away, to procure and send y*^ youth if he esteems him likely to answer the 

M^" Occom writes me a very meloncholly Letter, viz, that by an untimely 
Frost last fall their Indian Corn was all cut off — y' the Onoyadas are 
almost starved havS nothing to live upon but what they get by Hunting — 
that they had then just come in from their Pigeon Hunt — and were going a 
fishing — as soon as they return from that they will go after Deer — that he 
followed them, but found it very Difiicult to get a number of them together 
to preach to them — that by hard living (tho' they were as kind as they 
could be) and especially lying upon the wet ground his old Disorder, (viz 
Rhumatic) returnd, and he was apprehensive he must return before the 
Time appointed — that he lived in fear of being killd, tho' the Indians had 
promised him in case a war should break out, they would send him under a 
Sufficient Guard, down as far as the English Settlements. But there was 
Something good in his Letter, viz. that there were visible good Effects of 
his Labours among them last year & especially a Reforniation among them 
as to their Drinking. . . . 


^"i Wheelock Paper s,\.t.\X'=>. July 6, 1762, and Aug. 20, 1762. Doc. Hist, of N. K, 
IV, 313. The date of Fowler's return, in Doctor Wheelock's letter, is the i8th, 
though he enters the pupils in his list on the 2Sth. 

^^Whcelock Papers^ Lett. Sept. 16, 1762. 


Occom returned earlier that autumn than was intended "on 
account of the present ruffle which y'' Oneidas are in, being 
engaged in a war with some of the natives back of them." 
This condition of affairs .also affected the Indian mission at 
Onohoquaga.^^ (Jn his way home he preached in the white 
settlements along the Hudson river wherever he could gather 
a congregation. His ministry was very acceptable, particu- 
larly in the region about seventy miles above New York, 
where there was considerable religious interest. This fact was 
made known to the Suffolk Presbytery, meeting at Huntington 
on the twenty-eighth of October, whereupon they passed the 
following minute : " A great Number of People adjoining or near 
to the North River, being Destitute of a preached gospel as Rep- 
resented to the Presbytery by Mr. Sacket, together with a pros- 
pect of Mr. Occum being greatly serviceable among them, 
the Presbytery doth Recommend it to Mr. Occum to go & 
Labour among sd People in the work of the gospel Ministry as 
much of the Ensuring Winter as his Circumstances may 

1' The mission at Onohoquaga (Colesville, Broome Co., N. V.) had been resumed 
in 1 761 by the Boston commissioners of the London Society. They voted July 13th 
to send Hawley thither with Amos Toppan on a visit. They went and returned in 
October. In 1762 Rev. Eli Forbes and Asaph Rice [Sprague's Annals I. 493] 
were sent out, some say by the London commissioners and others by the Boston cor- 
respondents of the Scotch Society. The fact is, this was a union mission, entered 
into by the commissioners, correspondents and authorities of Harvard College, in 
view of the incorporation, Feb. 11, 1762, of the "Society for Propagating Christian 
Knowledge among the Indians of North America" by Massachusetts, which was 
intended to combine these agencies, and whose charter failed. The Scotch Society 
took the lead and was assisted by the otiiers, hence the confusion. Messrs. Forbes 
and Rice started June ist and arrived at Onohoquaga about the middle of the 
month {Conn. Hist. Soc, Lett. Forbes to Occom, July 26, 1762.]. They established 
schools and formed a church. Mr. Forbes returned in September, and his place 
was to be filled by Rev. Joseph Bowman, ordained Aug. 31, 1762 (ordination ser- 
mon by Dr. Chauncey in print), who was delayed by illness. The wars then inter- 
rupted this mission. In 1765 it was resumed under the Boston commissioners, who 
sent out Rev. Ebenezer Moseley (son of Rev. Samuel Moseley of Windham [Hamp- 
ton], Conn.), with James Dean as interpreter and Rev. Gideon Hawley to introduce 
them. Mr. Moseley remained in this mission until Feb., 1772, when he was succeeded 
by Rev. Aaron Crosby, who continued there until August, i 777. 


admit." Undoubtedly he went. It was his first experience 
as an itinerant preacher in the region where he was after- 
wards a frequent and welcome visitor. 

Again, in the season of 1763, Occom made a visit to the 
Oneida country. He was, however, soon compelled to return 
on account of the Pontiac War. The same calamity befell the 
mission that year undertaken by Rev. Charles Jeffry Smith, 
with Joseph Brant as guide and interpreter, upon which they 
set out on the fourth of July. Mr.. Smith had been a tutor at the 
school and was ordained at Lebanon on the thirtieth of June, 
Doctor Wheelock preaching the sermon, which was printed in 
London in 1767.^° That season, also, Rev. Samuel Ashbow 
was turned back from Jeningo, whither he had gone on the 6th 
of August. In consequence of the war all missionary opera- 
tions were suspended. 

Meanwhile Doctor Wheelock, at the suggestion of the Min- 
isters' Association which met in Hartford, May 12, 1763, had 
memorialized the General Assembly of Co*nnecticut, requesting 
that a brief be issued for collections in the churches. This 
request was granted. The brief contained the following state- 
ment of the case : " And seriously considering the present new 
and extraordinary Prospect (by the Blessing of Heaven on his 
Majesty's Arms) Doth greatly encourage an Attempt to pro- 
mote Christian Knowledge and Civility of Manners among the 
Indian Nations of this Land."'-^^ This public approval seemed 

20 Charles Jeff ry Smith, the son of Henry and Ruth (Smith) Smith, was born in 
Brookhaven, L. I., in 1740, and graduated at Yale College in 1757. After studying 
theology for some years at Mew Haven, he assisted Doctor Wheelock in his school 
during the winter of 1762 and further prepared himself for an Indian mission. Upon 
the failure of his mission in 1763, he returned to Long Island where he had a con- 
siderable estate. Subsequently he preached about in Virginia and the south, whither 
he purposed to remove in 1770, but on the loth of August he was killed by the dis- 
charge of his gun, either by accident or intent while temporarily insane. Rev. Samuel 
Buell preached a sermon on the death of his friend which is in print.— Dexter's 
Yale Biographies, H, 495-497. 

2" Wheelock Papers^ MS. and Broadside, which was printed at New London by T. 
Green. The Conn. Hist. Soc. has the broadsides of 1763 and 1766. Se& Conn. Col. 
Rec.X.11, 151, 152. Conn. Archives, Coll. and Schools, II, i, 2. 


encouraging. Governor Fitch even promised to mention 
the matter in his Thanksgiving proclamation. But before the 
brief had been published in all the churches, the Indian War 
had caused a reaction in popular sentiment unfavorable to 
such ventures. The General Assembly, therefore, in the Octo- 
ber session, at the suggestion of some who had not contrib- 
uted, ordered the discontinuance of the publication. ^^ Three 
years afterwards, that body at its May session, upon Doctor 
Wheelock's memorial, ordered a second brief.'^^ He received 
from the first about £\o, and from the second about ;z^i55, 
which proved of great assistance in his accounts. 

The failure of Doctor Wheelock hitherto to secure a charter 
for the Indian school had led him to look for some organized 
board in which to vest the responsibility. His enterprise 
needed the confidence of the public, which no private manage- 
ment could long retain. He had enemies at Boston among the 
correspondents of the Scotch Society. It was also evident 
that the commissioners of the " Society for Propagating the 
Gospel" would aid him only to a limited extent. He saw that 
the appropriation from the Sir Peter Warren legacy would 
soon cease, as it did in 1765. In his perplexity he turned to 
his friends abroad, and made application to the " Society in 
Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge " for the estab- 
lishment of a Board of Correspondents of that society in Con- 
necticut similar to those in New York and Boston.^"* This re- 
quest was granted and such a board was constituted by a vote 
of the parent society, March 13, 1764.^^ The following men, 
nominated by Doctor Wheelock, were appointed to comprise 
it : Jonathan Huntington, Esq., of Windham, Elisha Sheldon, 

Conn. Col. Rec, XII, 193; McClure's Mem. of Wheelock, pp. 236, 237. 

23 Conn. Col. Rec, XII, 490, 491. 

24 Wheelock seems to have made an application March 24, 1762, which was not re- 
ceived, and to have renewed it September 21, 1763. — Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., p. 
35. Cf. McClure's Mem. of Wheelock, p. 242. 

25 See the commission in McClure's Mem. of Wheelock, pp. 34-36. 


Esq., of Litchfield, Mr. Samuel Huntington of Norwich, Rev. 
Messrs. Solomon Williams of Lebanon, Joseph Fisk of Ston- 
ington, William Gaylordof Norwalk, Samuel Moseley of Wind- 
ham, Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon, Benjamin Pomeroy of 
Hebron, Richard Salter of Mansfield, Nathaniel Whitaker of 
Norwich, and David Jewett of New London. These names 
are given to make evident the fact that most of them were his 
personal friends and in fact members of the Windham Associ- 
ation, which had long fathered his school. The purpose of this 
board, as expressed in its commission, was "to receive dona- 
tions from well-disposed persons, and to employ the same for 
promoting Christian knowledge, in such manner as shall be 
directed by the donors, and failing such direction, to devise 
schemes for propagating our holy religion among the Indians, 
and to carry them into execution." This commission was for- 
warded March 15, 1764, by Doctor Wheelock's friend. Rev. 
John Erskine, of Edinburgh, was received in June, and on the 
fourth of July the correspondents met for organization. Rev. 
Solomon Williams was chosen president, Mr. Jonathan Hunt- 
ington, treasurer, and Doctor Wheelock, secretary. By this 
board the standing of the schopl was greatly improved. The 
secretary wrote Doctor Erskine, " I feel my hands strengthened, 
and heart encouraged thereby ; and account it a great token of 
God's favour towards the general design." 

After the discouragements of 1763, Samson Occom, seeing 
no prospect of doing service among the Six Nations, -turned to 
his friends, the commissioners at Boston, who had hitherto sup- 
ported him. On the twenty-third of February, 1764, they voted 
to employ him as missionary to the Niantics, " apprehending 
that he might serve them as also the Mohegans and other 
Indians in that neighborhood," fixing his salary at £2^0 per 
annum, as they had proposed in 1759. This was a service 
much to Occom's desires. He knew these tribes and was re- 
spected among them. Doctor Wheelock wrote Whitefield say- 


ing, " He is zealous, preaches to good acceptance, y« Indians 
at Mohegan and Nihantic are all to a man attached to him, his 
assemblies much crowded with English as well as Indians & I 
think a good prospect of his usefulness. "^^ He accepted this 
ministry on the third of April, and at once set about removing 
his family from Montauk to Mohegan. It was then that he 
" lost by distress of weather a considerable part of what he 
had." This was partly made up to him by his friends. 

At Mohegan was his tribal inheritance. His mother, his 
brother Jonathan and his sister Lucy were then living there. 
He held, according to the customs of his tribe, a tract of land 
containing several acres. Probably it was the very place in 
"Ben's town " where his father had lived. Here he set about 
building a house for the accommodation of his large family. 
It stood on the hillside about half a mile north of the present 
Mohegan chapel and east of the Norwich and New London 
highway. He has left us no record of its dimensions, but it 
was well built and clapboarded with cedar. The cost was 
something over ;^ioo and the account shows that much of the 
labor on it was perfgrmed by his fellow Indians. This house 
survived until quite recent times. It became a famous land- 
mark and was frequently visited by those who were interested 
in the tribe or knew the story of the Mohegan minister. 

In 1772 Messrs. McClure and Frisbie tarried there over 
night, and the former wrote in his diary : " His house was a 
decent two-story building. We lodged in a good feather bed 
in a chamber papered & painted ; adjoining was his Library of 
a handsome collection, brought by him, principally from Great 

The well-known sketch of this house, here reproduced, was 
made by John W. Barber when on his tour in that region and 
was published in his volume of Connecticut Historical Collec- 

'^^Wheelock Papers, Lett. May 18, 1764. 


tions.2^ Doctor Wheelock wrote Whitefield about it, " Mr. 
Occoms house is covered and likely to be made comfortable 
for his Family this winter. The expense of which is much 
more than I expected. "^^ Occom intended to do much of the 
work himself, but he was called away by Wheelock, as we 
shall presently see, and the house was not completed that sea- 
son. Moreover, the bills were not paid as Wheelock had 
agreed when Occom went into his service. As matters turned 
out for the Indian, the building of this house was a providen- 
tial circumstance. It gave him a home in the midst of his 
acres at a time when he had not much beside to depend on. 
He was thus established in the midst of the Indian settle- 
ments of Connecticut where he afterwards labored. Thither 
many of them went to seek his counsel. Even the white man, 
as he traveled along the turnpike road from the north or the 
south, turned aside to greet the Indian preacher. We have 
the words of one who met him there in the May of that very 
year : " In passing . . . through the Mohegan country, 
I saw an Indian man on horseback whom I challenged as Mr. 
Occom, and found it so. There was something in his mien 
and deportment both amiable & venerable; and though I had 
never before seen him, I must have been sure it was he."^^ 

It will be noted that Occom had only been at Mohegan a 
few weeks before the commission constituting the Connecticut 
correspondents of the Scotch Society was received. At their 
first meeting they voted to take him into their service if the 
commissioners at Boston would release him. This they did 
on the twenty-fifth of July, on condition that the correspondents 
would employ him in a mission westward. The release was 
received on the third of August and three days afterwards the 

"^"^ Conn. Hist. Coll., -p. 340; De Forest's Indians of Conn., p. 463,; Bostonian 
March, 1895, p. 677. 
28 Wheelock Papers, Lett, Oct. 10, 1764. 
2" Wheelock Papers, Lett. John Smith, May 18, 1764. 




correspondents met. They agreed to send him to the Mohawk 
country as soon as possible, to teach and preach as he had 
opportunity, and to go on the way to Lake Ontario until he 
met Sir William Johnson, then returning from Detroit, with a 
view to offering missionaries to the Western Indians who were 
in his company. He was also to prepare the way for the 
schoolmasters whom Wheelock was intending to send to the 
Six Nations the following season. David Fowler was to be 
again his companion and they were to bring back fifteen or 
twenty Indian youth. 

This move was a mistake and in some respects a serious 
one. It was, however, the means of strange developments, 
which altered the course of Occom's life and eventually affect- 
ed the future of the Indian school. The Connecticut corres- 
pondents had no means to forward this mission. Doctor 
Wheelock was already in debt for the maintenance of his 
pupils. He presumed to depend upon the efforts of Rev. 
George Whitefield, then in New York, through whom he had 
only shortly before received ;^i 20, York money. On the seventh 
of August he wKote Whitefield a letter in which he said, " We 
have done this without money on the credit of the great Re- 
deemer." His patron did not look at the matter in that light. 
Occom and Fowler did not. Armed with letters to General 
Gage and Sir William Johnson, they set out August 27th by 
boat from Norwich to wait on Whitefield at New York, " by 
whom or some other means " they had been led to expect their 
mission would be supported. Occom doubtless summed up 
his thoughts on the voyage when he wrote, " It looks like Pre- 
sumption for us to go on a long Journey thro' Christians with- 
out Money, if it was altogether among Indian Heathen we 
might do well enough " — a characteristic remark which he did 
not intend to be humorous. They reached New York safely 
and met Whitefield. He was greatly displeased at the plan, 
not a little offended at Wheelock's course, and declined to aid 


in forwarding the mission. Thus the scheme of reaching the 
Indians of the far West was crushed. Occom was returned 
home to Mohegan, and Fowler resumed his place in the school. 
This ended Occom's connection with the Oneida missions. 
He only made a hasty journey the next season to Sir William 
Johnson to obtain testimonials which he might take to Eng- 
land. He had done a worthy service in the early dawn of a 
brighter day for Kanawarohare. 



Among all the English youth who devoted their lives to 
Indian missions, and went out from NeiW England to the Six 
Nations, Samuel Kirkland was the foremost.^ His name will 
always be honored in that region of New York where once the 
Oneidas roamed through the primeval forest, and where now 
he sleeps under the protection of Hamilton College with the 
Christian chief Skenandoa by his side. His ancestors were 
among the original settlers at Saybrook when that romantic 
colony was planted in 1635, and thence his father, Daniel 
Kirtland, went to Yale College to prepare for his ministry of 
thirty years over the Newent Society in Norwich, now the First 
church of Lisbon, Connecticut. Here the son, Samuel, was 
born December i, 1741, being the fourth in a family of eleven 
children. He seems to have had his thoughts turned in his 
youth toward a missionary life, and possibly through an ac- 
quaintance with Samson Occom, who was known in every min- 
ister's household of the region. Having at least this purpose 
distinctly in view he entered the Indian Charity School, October 
31, 1760. He there formed those friendships with the Indian 
pupils which were of great service to him and to them through- 
out his life. Prominent among these was Joseph Brant, of 

» See on the life of Samuel Kirkland, Life of Kirkland, Sparks' Am. Biog., Vol. 
XXV ; McClure's Mem. of Wheelock; Grid!ey's Hist, of Kirkland ; Jones' Annals 
of Oneida County; Chase's Hist, of Dartmouth College; Sprague's Annals, I, 623; 
Ded. of Monument to Samuel Kirkland, Utica, 1873 ; ^*SS. Wheelock Papers, Dart. 
Coll.; New York Arch., Albany ; Conn. Hist. Soc. Indian Papers; dind Papers of Mr. 
Thornton K. Lothrop. 


whom he began to learn the Mohawk language, and with whom 
he set out November 4, 1 761, on a journey to Sir William John- 
son, returning on the twenty-seventh of the same month. On 
the third of November the year following he entered the sopho- 
more class of Princeton College, on that day opening what he 
called his " Accompt with the Christian World." Here he 
was largely supported by charity. The reason why he left 
college before his graduation, which has never been fully 
stated, was twofold — the difficulty of obtaining the funds to 
continue him there, and the need Doctor Wheelock had of 
sending just such a man into active missionary work. So the 
young college student, who had taken the fancy of spelling 
his name Kirkland, was despatched November 20, 1764, to 
the savage Senecas, having the Delaware, Joseph Wooley, as a 
companion part of the way. The Indian then began his work 
at Onohoquaga, whence he shortly passed to his reward. Sam- 
uel Kirkland went on to the Senecas, where he was engaged 
for a year and a half in the most adventurous mission of the 
time. It raised him at once to the front rank as a missionary 
to the Indians. Doctor Wheelock wrote of this service to the- 
Countess of Huntingdon thus: "This bold adventure of his, 
which considered in all the circumstances of it, is the most 
extraordinary of the kind I have ever known, has been 
attended with abundant evidence of a Divine blessing."*^ 

The season of 1765 was the most eventful in the history of 
Doctor Wheelock's Indian missions. It seemed to him that 
the time had come to prove that his pupils were fitted for 
usefulness. On the twelfth of March the Connecticut Board of 
Correspondents met at Lebanon to examine his cafndidates. 
It- was a memorable day. At the very hour of their meeting 
there arrived from Onohoquaga " Good Peter" after a journey 
of three hundred miles through the deep snow — the envoy of 
the Oneidas to ask for a minister. Within half an hour Elisha 

2 McC lure's Mem. of Wheelock, p. 264. 


Gunn knocked at the minister's door. He was an interpreter 
of ten years' experience by whom they were enabled to under- 
stand the message of Good Peter. Doctor Wheelock was im- 
pressed with this coincidence, that the Indian, the interpreter 
and the minister designed for that very place should thus meet 
" without any previous appointment or the least knowledge of 
each other's design." Messrs. Titus Smith and Theophilus 
Chamberlain were examined, and on the 24th of April ordained.* 
David Fowler, Joseph Wooley and Hezekiah Calvin were ap- 
proved as schoolmasters. Jacob Fowler, Moses, Johannes, the 
Abrahams and Peter were thought fit to be ushers. Our story 
has to do mainly with the Fowlers and Joseph Johnson — 
subsequently approved as an usher — though others were em- 
ployed in the Western missions during the next four years. ^ 

3 Titus Smith was born in Granby, Mass., June 4, 1 734, and graduated at Yale Col- 
lege in 1764. After his brief missionary service he lived at South Hadley, Mass., 
and New Haven and Danby, Conn. He became a Sandemanian and a Tory, and 
took refuge after the war in Nova Scotia, where he died in 1807. [Chase's Hist, of 
Dart. Coll., p. 43 n. i.] He started with Chamberlain June 19, 1765, having Elisha 
Gunn as interpreter, and was destined for Onohoquaga ; but famine scattered the 
Indians there and Smith with Moses went to Lake Utsage (Otsego), where they 
remained some weeks.. In August he went to Onohoquaga, but his purpose failed 
through the jealousy of the commissioners who had sent Moseley thither and he 
returned home.— Chase's Hist, of Darttnouth College, p. 43; Narrative, 1767, 
p. 44. 

Theophilus Chamberlain, son of Ephraim Chamberlain, was born in Northfield, 
Mass., Oct. 20, 1737. He was in Capt. John Burke's company at Fort William 
Henry in 1757, and was taken prisoner by the Indians. On his release he entered 
Yale College and graduated in 1765. Doctor Wheelock put him in charge of the 
Mohawk schools, where he continued in service until he was released, July i, 1767. 
He is said to have lived afterwards at New Haven and Danby, Conn. 

* David McClure, the son of John and Rachel (McClintock) McClure of Boston, 
was born in Newport, R. I., Nov. 18, 1748, and entered Wheelock's school in June, 
1764. In 1765 he went to Yale College, where he graduated in 1769. He was 
absent on a mission to Oneida from July 7, 1766, to Dec. 8, 1766, teaching in the 
place of David Fowler. After his graduation he became the master in the Indian 
school, removing with it to Hanover, and was ordained there May 20, 1772, with 
Levi Frisbie. They started June 19th on a mission to the Delaware Indians at 
Muskingum, and returned Oct. 2, 1773. [Narr., 1773, pp. 44-68.] McClure was 
subsequently settled at North Hampton, N. H., from 1776 to 17S5, and at East 


David Fowler was appointed to teach a school at Kanawa- 
rohare. His testimonial from Doctor Wheelock spoke of him 
as " a youth of good abilities, whose activity and prudence, 
fortitude and honesty have much recommended him. . . . 
He goes to settle down among the Oneidas as school master, 
and has a design to set them an example of agriculture for 
support, and do what he can to recommend that manner of 
living to the Indians." This industrial feature of the mission 
seems to have originated with Fowler. He, at least, was its 
warmest advocate. His experience in superintending such 
affairs at Lebanon had disposed him to consider it as impor- 
tant. It certainly was a feature favorably received by the In- 
dians, as their letters show.*^ He set out on the twenty-ninth 
of April, carrying a letter to Sir William Johnson informing him 

Windsor, Conn., from 1786, to his death there, June 25, 1820. — Sprague's Annals II, 
7-9 ; Diary of David McClure. 

Aaron Kinne was born in 1744, in Newent (Lisbon), Conn., and graduated at 
Yale College in 1765. He went out July 7, 1766, to teach the school at Old Oneida 
and returned in October. Again he was sent to supply Kirkland's place in May, 
1768, and returned August i6th. He was ordained in 1770 at Groton, Conn., and 
settled there until 1798. His death occurred at Talmadge, Ohio, July 9, 1824. 
— Allen's Biog. Diet. 

David Avery was born at Norwich Farms (Franklin), Conn., April 5, 1746, being 
the son of John and Lydia (Smith) Avery. He entered Wheelock's school Jan. 2, 
1764, and afterwards Yale College where he graduated in 1769. The summer of 
1768 was spent in teaching the school at Canajoharie. In 1770 he began preaching 
at Smithtown, L. I., and thereabouts, and was ordained at Hanover, N. H., Aug. 29, 
1771, to be sent out as an assistant to Kirkland; but he left the service the year fol- 
lowing on account of his health. He was a well-known chaplain in the Revolution, 
and had settlements at . Gageborough (Windsor), Mass., and Bennington, Vt. He 
died Feb. 16, 1818. — Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll.; Sprague's Annals I, 697; and 
Jennings' Mem. of Bennington. Hi= manuscript diaries are in the possession of his 
descendant, George A. Clark, Esq., of Utica, N. Y. 

Phineas Dodge was sent out in the autumn of 1 767 to assist Kirkland and teach 
Fowler's school. He returned with Kirkland the following spring. Allyn Mather 
went with Ralph Wheelock in his journey in the spring of 1768. Augustine Hibbard 
went on a similar journey in 1767. [A'arr., 1769, p. 138; Chapman's Alumni of 
Dart. Coll.] Samuel Johnson, of Yale College in the class of 1769, was also employed 
in these missions. 

' Wheelock' s Narrative, 1767, pp. 46-48. 



of the design, money and letters for Samuel Kirkland, and an 

address from Doctor Wheelock to the Indian sachems.® He 

reached Johnson Hall on the eleventh of May, met there with 

Kirkland, and they journeyed westward together. To secure 

Indian youths, he went to Onohoquaga, but in this he failed. 

He then began his school at Kanawarohare, where he had 

been with Samson Occom in 1761. We will let him tell his 

own story in two of his letters :' 

Onoyda, May 29^'^ 1765 
Revd & Hond Sir 

After much Fatigue and Discouragement by the Way I reach'd here last 
Sabbath Day in the Morning. I got up to Johnson Hall nth instant, 
deliver'd all what you sent by me both money and Letters to Mr Kirtland, 
— His Honour Sir William Johnson was in such great Business that we 
could not speak to him under five Days. — I have been down to Onoho- 
quawge to get those Boys Joseph appointed to go down to School, but I 
could get none of them. Some said, they had too much Work to do and 
others said that I came away too soon, and some said they will let their 
Children go [to] School there [a] little while and they'll send them. I 
suppose they would send their Children if I waited two or three weeks, but 
I was unwilling to tarry so long for the Gentlemen's motion. 

I have settled Joseph Wooley with his Help, as School Master at Onoho- 
quawge, he is greatly belov'd there, it will be best for him to return as soon 
as possible. He has done nothing there worth mentioning besides learning 
their Language. — We heard how he was settled last Fall. I understood 
when I was down that there was no such thing mentioned. — Mr. Kirtland is 
gone up to Seneke Country again : he sot out from this Place 24th instant 
and with a heavy Heart : things go on contrary to his Mind.— I am greatly 
concernd about him. — He took my Horse up with him, he told me that he 
would bear all the Blame, for he should kill himself if he carried all what 
he wanted upon his Back.— I believe he will send the little Creature very 
soon by those men whom Sir William sent to fetch down the English Pris- 
oners from that Place. I understood so much about our Ministers when I 
was down to Onohoquawge I think it will not do for them to go together, 
they must be separate, one of them must come up here, and the other to 
Onohoquawge. If they should go together from Place to Place their com- 
ing will be to none affect : Because they expect the Ministers will settle & 

^Doc. Hist. ofN. K, IV, 356 ; McClure's Mem. of Wheelock, pp. 259-263. 
- Wheelock Papers. Another letter, of June 15th, is in print, Narrative, 1767. pp. 
38, 39. Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., p. 44. 


tarry with them. — They are suspicious People. They '11 soon get some- 
thing another against them if they don't tarry in one Place that will strike 
off all their Affections from them. If they lose the Affections of these 
People it is over with them. — I can't express myself by writing as I could 
by talking.— I live like a Dog here, my Folks are poor and nasty. I eat 
with Dogs, for they eat & drink out of the same as I do. — I shall need ten 
Dollars more. It would best for Calvin to come here, here is one pretty 
Town just by me and good many Children. I must go down to German 
Flats to get Provision, after that I shall set down to my School. Here are 
great Number of Children, but I cant tell how many Scholars I shall have. 
I believe my singing School will exceed the other in Number. I cant get 
but one Boy here. — You will know why I could get no more by the Speach 
I send you. Joseph Wooley is almost nacked. I am oblig'd to let him 
have one of my Shirts. 

I shall be glad [if] you would send me another Sir, I hope you won't 
let this Letter be seen. I have no Table to write upon, besides I have not 
writ so long my Hand is out of order. — Please to give my kind Respects to 
Madam, Master and Ministers. Please to accept much Love & Duty from 

Your affectionate 

though unworthy Pupil 

David Fowler 

Hon'i and Revd Sir. Oneida, June 24. 1765 

I now write you a few Lines just to inform you that I am well at present^ 
and have been so ever since I left your House. Blessed be God for his 
Goodness to me. I am well contented here as long as I am in such great 
Business. My Scholars learn very well. I have put eleven into a, b, ab, &c. 
I have three more that will advance to that place this Week, & some have 
got to the sixth page. It is ten thousand pities they can't keep together. 
They are often going about to get their Provision. One of the Chiefs in 
whose House I keep told me he believed some of the Indians would starve to 
Death this Summer. Some of them have almost consumed all their Corn 

I came too late this Spring. I could not put any Thing into the Ground. 
I hope I shall next year. I believe I shall persuade all the Men in this 
Castle, at least the most of them to labour next Year. They begin to see 
now that they would live better if they cultivated their Lands than they do 
now by Hunting & Fishing. These Men are the laziest <Zxt\f I ever saw in 
all my Days. Their Women will get up early in the Morning, and be 
pounding Corn for Breakfast, and they (the men) be sleeping till the Vic- 
uals is almost ready, and as soon as the Breakfast is over, fhe Women take 
up their axes & Hoes & away to the Fields, and leave their Children with 


the Men to tend. You may see half a dozen walking about with Children 
upon their Backs — lazy and sordid Wretches — but they are to be pitied. 

I have been miserably off for an Interpreter — I can say but very little to 
them. I hope by next spring I shall be my own Interpreter. 

It is very hard to live here without the other Bone. I must be obliged to 
wash & mend my Clothes & cook all my Victuals, & wash all the Things I 
use, which is exceeding hard. I shan't be able to employ my Vacant hours 
in improving their Lands as I should do if I had a Cook here. 

I received a Letter from Mr Kirtland last Sabbath wherein he informs me 
that the Indians who accompanied him left him with all his heavy pack. 
He had the most fatiguing Journey this Time he ever had. He designs to 
come down to get Provision, and if he don't he will eat no Bread till Indian 
Harvest, and his Meat is merely rotten having no Salt. 

May the Blessing of Heaven rest on you 

Your affectionate tho unworthy Pupil 
David Fowler 

The fears to which Fowler refers were realized. A famine 
reduced the Indians that summer to great distress. In conse- 
quence they left their villages, and scattered in search of food. 
Fowler, therefore, went to New England, and returned again 
as the harvest drew near. We again produce his letters •} 

Onoyda September 23, 1765 
Honoured Sir. 

I arriv'd here on the fourth instant and immediately began my School ; 
but it is very small at present, occasion'd by gathering Corn and building 
Houses. I believe I shall have thirty after the hurry is over — My Scholars 
learn very fast, some have got to the eighth Page. I am yet teaching both 
Old and Young to sing, they can carry three Parts of several Tunes neatly. 

I made it a long time before I got up here because I had such [a] heavy 
Pack. — I bought me Plow Irons and several other Things which I could not 
do without very well. I have got the little Horse: the Man ask'd a Dollar 
for keeping him and half a Dollar for going with me ten Miles before he 
would deliver the Horse to me. — My coming up so slow, buying so many 
things, giving Money to those Women and bringing two Horses almost 
took all my Money before I got up; I think I was very prudent with my 
Money.— I shall want twenty Dollars more, also I shall be exceeding glad 
[if] you would send me a Compleat Letter Writer and Guide to Prayer. 

8 Wheelock Papers. Another letter, of Jan. 21, 1766, is in print. Chase's Hist, of 
Dart. Coll.., p. 45. 


I design to come down next year after I have planted Corn and my 
Garden things come up, so that I may be able to tell my Children how they 
must manage the Garden in my Absence. 

Give my kind Regards to Madame and Master. I could not write to him 
this Time. — And accept much Love and Duty from 

your affectionate 

though unworthy Pupil 

David Fowler 

Canawarohare Feb'^y 17, 1766 
Rev*^ Sir. 

I receiv'd yours [of the] 25"' of January which offer'd me much Pleasure 
and also warn'd me against those things which I am so much addicted to : 
I hope your Admonition will not be entirely lost, I will try to mind what 
you wrote to me. 

I wrote you a large Letter in the month past which exhausted all the 
Matter that was in my Head. I now write you but a few Lines. — I am pur- 
suing my Business with all Courage and Resolution that lies in my Power 
or Capacity. Rev<^ M*" Chamberlain can enform you what Progress my 
Scholars have made in learning to read as well as I can. 

vSir, I am almost nacked, my Cloaths are coming all to pieces : I shall be 
very glad all the Cloth that is intended for me be in readiness against my 
coming. I design to come down latter End of May or beginning [of] June. 
I have nothing new to acquaint you [with]. I am well and harty also 


I am 

ReVi Sir 

your affectionate Indian Son 

David Fowler 
P. S. Regards to Madam, Sir Wheelock and to all the rest. 

Canowarohare May 13, 1766 
Reverend Sir 

I am very sorry I can't write you a Letter which can be seen abroad, 
because M^ Kirtland is so much hurried to get down : but he can give you 
a proper Idea of my School and my own Affairs. — I believe I may venter to 
write my secrets to you as I wont to do, since I have so often seen and felt 
your tender Care and Affections. I have wrote a large Letter to Hannah 
Pyamphcouh which will either spur her up or knock her in [the] Head. — I 
therefore ask a Favour as a Child from [a] kind Father or Benefactor, that 
this Letter may be sent to the Supperscrib'd Place as soon as you get it 
into your Hands. For I shall be down the 13 or 14 of June and in very 
great Hast. T must tarry at your House a Week or ten Days the longest 


to shed my skin, for I am almost nacked now. I want all my Cloaths to be 
blue and that which is good : The Reason why I want this Letter to get 
down so soon is that she may have some time to think and dress herself 
up, & another which is the greatest that I may clear myself from those 
strong Bonds wherewith I bound myself to her and which could not let me 
rest Night and Day from the time I left her till I return'd to her again, 
what I mean about clearing myself is if she denies. If she won't let her 
Bones be join'd with mine I shall pick out my Rib from your House. 

Sir, Dont be angry with me for write[ing] so bold and foolish. I hope 
you will not expose me — Give my Kind Regards [to] Mrs Wheelock and 
Sir Wheelock and to all the Family, accept much Love and Duty from 

Your unworthy Pupil 

David Fowler 

It will be noted that David Fowler had some longings for a 
certain missing rib to which he several times refers. At first 
it was uncertain who would officiate in that capacity. In one 
letter he wrote Doctor Wheelock, " I have determined to have 
Amy Johnson for my companion. Shall marry as soon as I 
return from Oneida. I have given her a gold ring which cost 
me two dollars." Amy was then living at Bull's Tavern, in 
Hartford. VVe conclude that she was otherwise minded, for 
in the above letter he seems to have made a proposal to Han- 
nah Poquiantup, which he judged would "either spur her up 
or knock her in the head." It did the latter ; but he kept his 
promise of patronizing the female department of Wheelock's 
school, for when he returned, June 27, 1766, he speedily con- 
summated an engagement with Hannah Garret. She was a 
Pequot maiden, a daughter of Benjamin and Hannah Garret, 
and a descendant of the well-known Sachem Hermon Garret 
or Wequash Cook, as already stated. Her parents seem to 
have cast in their lot with the Narragansetts, as some others of 
the Stonington Pequots did. On the twenty-sixth of July they 
set out to visit her parents at Charlestown, R. I., where the 
nuptials were soon after celebrated. " I have clothed them 
well," says Wheelock, "and furnished her in part for house- 
keeping, have also supplied them with two Horses and Fur- 



niture, and must likewise let him have some Husbandry Tools, 
besides one or two Cows and a Swine : and hereby I hope 
they will soon be able to live with little Expence to the Public." 
All they had, however, they carried in a '• Horse-Cart " drawn 
by "a good Pair of Horses" when, September eighth, they 
started for Oneida. 

The favorable opportunity at this time among the Oneida 
Indians had led Doctor Wheelock to withdraw Samuel Kirk- 
land from the Seneca mission and establish him at Kanawaro- 
hare. Thither he had gone early in July ; and in his com- 
pany were Tekananda, the Seneca chief, clad in the scarlet 
regimentals given him by the Connecticut Assembly;'-* Aaron 
Kinne, destined for Old Oneida ; David McClure, going to abide 
with Kirkland and learn the language ; Joseph Johnson, to keep 
Fowler's school until his return and then to serve under him 
as usher, and others for the Mohawk schools. Jacob Fow- 
ler was the companion of Samuel Johnson, going to Canajo- 
harie, and it was his first experience. Then began the more 
intimate acquaintance between Samuel Kirkland and David 
Fowler, which continued for many years. The first task 
which engaged them was the building of a house, concerning 
which some information is given in the following letters : 

Oneida, 15 Nov. 1766 
Rev. and ever Honoured Sir, 

Your kind affectionate Letter by David Fowler came safe to Hand, 
since which have had no Opportunity of Conveyance; gladly embrace the 
present though aniidst the greatest Hurry and Crowd of Business. I have 
found myself under a necessity of Building this Fall, to live with the least 
possible Conveniency and Comfort. Am now sorry I did not follow your 
Advice in season, though David's Delay put me much back. Constant and 
very hard Labour abroad for upwards of seventy Days, with many other 
Troubles, bring me down very much. I fear I have seen my best Days for 
Hardships and an Indian Life; a little over-straining brings an old Pain in 
my Breast. Am not able to carry a Pack of a moderate Size (30 or 40 
Weight) without spitting Blood. Yet in the main I have enjoyed usual 

See chapter IV, note 7. 


Health through many Fatigues. Blessed be God, I am not discouraged ; 
I am willing to wear out sooner or later, if only it may be in the Cause of 
my Divine Master. The School here grows, the Scholars have made good 
Proficiency under Mr. McCluer. Johnson will tarry as Usher to David 
till next Spring, when I think best for Moses to take his Place, if he will 
answer for an Interpreter. I have had Provisions to get for the whole 
Company, &c. shall want Money, &c. The Building my House cost ;!^20, 
besides the Work we have done. I cut and drawed all the Timber, dug 
the Cellar 12 Feet square and six deep with my own Hands, before David 
came. Mr. M^Cluer has afforded me much Help as well as Comfort; he 
bids fair for Usefulness. I do not expect to get my Provisions without 
much Difficulty, the Roads are so very bad. I design a Journey to New- 
England in the Spring, &c. 

I am, Rev. Sir, Yours, &c 

Samuel Kirkland i*^ 

Oneida, Decemb"" 2, 1766. 
Dear Sister, 

I take this opportunity to write you a few lines just to let you know that 
I and my wife are well at pre[sent]. I was very sorry I could not come 
down & see you before I came away from Lebanon. I was [in very great 
confusion. I hope you wont take it hard no longer. I suppose you did. 
I did not get up here till 28th Day of September, but we got up very well. 
M"" Kirtland and [I] have built us a comfortable House with Rooms and 
two Chimnies. We have [a] hard task to go through this Winter. We 
[are] oblig'd to fetch all our Provisions seventeen Miles on our Backs. I 
tarried too long down Country, it put us Back vastly 

I have no strange thing to tell you. I and my [wife] are contented here. 
No more. 

I am your loving Brother 

D. Fowler 
P. S. Give my [love] to all your children & all your Relations. 
To. Mrs Mary Occom 

New-London ^^ 

In this cabin, then, at Kanawarohare, Kirkland was established 
with David and Hannah as his housekeepers. His health, as 
appears from his letter, was even then impaired, and yet there 

^'^Wheelock Papers, Lett. Nov. 15, 1766 ; Narrative, 1769, pp. 3, 4. 
"Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers, 


were sore hardships ahead of him. The winter was cold and 
the snow was deep. Provisions grew scarce at the forts. What 
they could get had to be carried in their packs as they tramped 
over the seventeen miles on snowshoes. In the spring Kirk- 
land was obliged to go to Lebanon for money and supplies; 
but he at once returned to his post. Soon it became evident 
that there was to be a famine in the land, more severe even 
than those of previous summers.^- Kirkland anticipated the 
emergency, and, to diminish the force needing maintenance 
and to advise Doctor Wheelock, he sent Jacob Fowler and 
Joseph Johnson home to Lebanon. The treasury there was 
empty and Wheelock went on a tour eastward to secure funds. 
Meanwhile Kirkland and David Fowler came into great distress. 
They were obliged to give up all other work and go eeling in 
Oneida Lake. While David was away on one of these expedi- 
tions for food, " a stately boy " was born to him in Kirkland's 
cabin. This was the young David, in after years a trusted 
messenger through the wilderness on more than one occasion. 
Still the food failed. In some wigwams the corn was reduced 
to a single measure. Their only hope was to hold out until 
the squashes came on. '' I have eat no Flesh in my own 
House for nigh eight Weeks," says Kirkland. " Flour and 
Milk, with a few Eels, has been my Living — Such Diet with 
my hard Labour abroad doth not satisfy Nature — My poor 
People are almost starved to Death. ... I would myself be 
glad of the Opportunity to fall upon my knees for such a Bone 
as I have often seen cast to the Dogs." Had Sir William 
Johnson then seen him he would have had as good reason as 
when he returned from the Senecas to exclaim, "Good God! 
Mr. Kirkland, you look like a whipping-post." And yet those 
savages, who had begun to love him, would creep out of their 

'2 These famines were common among the Indians, but there had not been a good 
crop in the Oneida country for several years. In 1765 frosts cut off the Indian corn, 
vermin destroyed it in 1766, and some kind of worm in 1767. The latter year they 
had no pigeons. See the account of a pigeon-hunt in Cooper's Pioneers. 


hovels, as skeletons might out of their graves, to help him hoe 
his little patch of corn. Finally, on the fourteenth of July, 
exhausted, sleepless and hungry, he penned these words : 
" David is going down for Relief, without which I shall perish 
soon. My Nature is almost broke." 

Then it was that David Fowler distinguished himself as an 
Indian athlete. In ten days, on foot and alone, he covered the 
distance, "above four hundred miles," going first to Lebanon, 
then to Springfield and back, and on to Boston, seeking "the 
Great Minister that takes the care of Indians," to whom he 
came at last one evening. After two days he set out to return 
with relief by the shortest route, and in less than ten days he 
arrived at Kanawarohare with food for the starving missionary. 

These relations between Kirkland and Fowler, however, were 
soon to end. It was inexpedient to keep up the schools dur- 
ing the summer. Jacob Fowler and Joseph Johnson were de- 
tained at Lebanon until the autumn, when they came again. 
Johnson taught at Old Oneida until 1768, when he fell into 
immorality and was disgraced. He was then, be it noted, only 
a youth eighteen years old. Jacob Fowler remained faithful 
so long as there was work for Indians in the Oneida mission. 
The main reason for David Fowler's withdrawal was that he 
was needed at Montauk "to take the care of his aged and suf- 
fering parents". His life with Kirkland had been on the whole 
pleasant, though perhaps the white man had been too much 
inclined to treat the Indian as his servant. Fowler taught his 
school successfully, and his pupils made " laudable profi- 
ciency ; " but he found no opportunity to instruct them in agri- 
culture, which, he wrote, ^^ is the only thing that icill keep them 
together and will make them jnidtiply a?id thrive in the ivorldy ^^ 
It must be said, however, that there was some dissatisfaction 
with Doctor Wheelock's management of his missions, in which 
Kirkland, Occom and Fowler shared. This was increased to 

^^Wheelock Papers, Lett. Dec. J, 1766. 


serious proportions by the ill-advised visits of his son, Ralph 
Wheelock. It led eventually to the withdrawal of Kirkland 
and the alienation of the Indians. One fact at least is evident, 
the good man who took the care of Indians had assumed a 
burden which he had not the means to support. 

So David Fowler, of whom Wheelock says at this time, 
" He is the best accomplished of any Indian I know " — sev- 
ered his connection with his friends at Kanawarohare, and 
Kirkland, with a shade of sadness, wrote on the 8th of Sep- 
tember, 1767, "David and Hannah set out for New England 
tomorrow morning." 



The failure of Doctor Wheelock's proposed mission in 1764, 
through the disapproval of Mr. Whitefield, returned Samson 
Occom to Mohegan. He had good reason to be disappointed, 
if not disaffected, because of the way his friends were using 
him. They had tempted him from Montauk by a mission 
westward wljich had received meager support. Then, after he 
had reengaged himself, under the commissioners of the 
"Society for Propagating the Gospel," to be a missionary 
among the Mohegans, Niantics, and neighboring tribes, they 
had secured his release to serve under them — the Connecticut 
correspondents of the Scotch Society. The " imprudent 
scheme " they had devised came to nothing through no fault 
of his ; but he was thrown out of employment and sent home. 
The friendship between Whitefield and Wheelock barely with- 
stood the strain, and doubtless there would have been a rup- 
ture had not the celebrated English evangelist already sug- 
gested a plan for assisting the Indian Charity School, as we 
shall relate in the next chapter. 

Occom's reappearance at Mohegan, however, was an impor- 
tant circumstance. Interest in the famous Mohegan Land 
Case, or Mason Controversy, as it was sometimes called, had 
been lately revived by the approaching final decision on the 
matter in England. This dispute between the Mohegan 
Indians and the Connecticut Colony as to the ownership of 
certain lands, which the tribe claimed, had been going on since 
the beginning of the century. It had been bre.d in the bone 
of the Indians of Occom's generation. The whites also, in 



that region particularly, had arrayed themselves on one side 
or the other — mostly on the other. Many manuscripts on the 
subject survive. The proceedings of the royal commissioners 
in print fill a volume and any adequate explanation of the 
issues involved would fill another.^ 

The case for the Colony was, in brief, that the famous Sachem 
Uncas, in a deed, dated September 28, 1640, had conveyed to 
the English his right in all the lands which he had occupied 
as tributary to the Pequots, excepting those he was accustomed 
to plant, and had confirmed the same by a conveyance, dated 
August 15, 1659, ^° Major John Mason, which, in turn, the 
latter had surrendered to the General Court of the Colony as 
its agent March 14, 1660. It was also claimed that Uncas, in 
1 68 1, had renewed this covenant with the English, and had 
empowered the General Court to dispose of the Mohegan 
lands for plantations, farms and villages. The Indians, on 
the other hand, maintained that the instrument of 1640, for 
which Uncas had received " five and a half yards of trucking 
cloth, with stockings and other things as a gratuity," had only 
conveyed a right of preemption to settlers of the Connecticut 
Colony made in consequence of protection against the Pequots, 
and that this "jurisdiction power" was all that had been con- 
firmed to the Colony by Mason in 1660 and by Uncas in 168 1. 
They also asserted that the conveyance to Major John Mason 
and his heirs merely constituted a trusteeship, made for their 
protection against foolish sales to the English. He was then 
acting as their guardian and continued to do so after the pro- 
fessed surrender of their lands to the Colony. In 167 1, being 

1 The manuscript volume containing the proceedings of the Court of Review in 
1743 is in the collections of the Connecticut Historical Society. The State Library 
and Conn. Hist. Soc. have the same in print with the following title: "Governor 
and Company of Connecticut, and Mohegan Indians, by their Guardians. Certified 
Copy of Book of Proceedings before Commissioners of Review, MDCCXLHI, 
London: Printed by W. and J. Richardson, MDCCLXIX," 4^, pp. 283. See also, 
William Samuel yohnson Papers and Indian Papers'm Conn. Hist. Soc; and State 
Archives, Indian Papers. 


then aged and fearing that the Indians might be wronged 
after his death, he entailed to the tribe a tract, thereafter 
called the " Sequestered Lands." This view of the case, how- 
ever, was greatly prejudiced by this act, for if he was a trustee 
he should have restored all the lands, and if they belonged to 
the Colony he had no right to entail any part of them to the 
Indians. The Mason heirs contended for the rights of this 
.trusteeship, which Oweneco, the son of the sachem, confirmed 
to Samuel and Daniel Mason, sons of the guardian. Upon a 
petition of the Indians, drawn by their advocate, Nicholas 
Hallam, Esq., .and presented to Queen Anne, a commission 
was issued July 19, 1704, for the trial of the case. Governor 
Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts presided over the court, and, 
though the agents of Connecticut protested against the com- 
mission as an infringement of their charter, a decree was given 
in favor of the Indians. The Colony appealed to the crown, 
and a commission of review was granted in 1706 ; but this was 
never used. A committee was finally appointed by the Gen- 
eral Court in 17 18, to examine all claims within the sequestered 
lands ; but after three years they decided to set apart and 
entail to the tribe about five thousand acres and allow the 
white claimants to keep the rest. The Mason party were not 
satisfied, and, failing to obtain satisfaction from the General 
Court, an appeal was made to the crown. The case was 
reopened, and a new commission of review was granted June 
3» ^737> which, failing in its duty, was succeeded by another 
ordered January 8, 1741-42. This latter commission was 
composed of Cadwallader Colden, Philip Cortland, John Rod- 
man, Daniel Horsmanden, and Robert H. Morris. After 
reviewing the case at length the majority decided in favor of 
the Colony, Horsmanden and Morris dissenting, and so the 
decree, which had stood in support of the Mohegan claim for 
thirty-eight years, was reversed, except as to the aforementioned 
five thousa«d acres. 


Meanwhile the Indians had become divided on the matter. 
The action of the General Court in supporting the claim of 
Major Ben Uncas for the sachemship against Mamohet in 
1723, had naturally created a party favorable to the Colony, 
who were willing to accept the settlement of 1721. On the 
other hand, the tribal attachment to the Masons and the 
hopes of redress won many to their cause. Thus, in view of 
a final decision on the Mason appeal to the king, the Indians., 
and the whites round about were in a turmoil when Samson 
Occom returned, in 1764, to Mohegan. As to the case itself, 
which, notwithstanding the attempts of sixty years, had never 
received a fair and full trial, the' decision was against the 
Indians. It was said that a desire to conciliate the Colony in 
a distracted time had much to do with this result. Occom 
wrote, "It is a pure favour." 

This long-standing contest, or the revival of it in his time, 
had a great influence over the subsequent opinions of Samson 
Occom, as to the Indian's relation to his land. It educated 
him in such matters. He saw the necessity of a compact 
tribal organization ; recognized the weakness of his people in 
foolishly selling their lands ; realized the dangers of allowing 
the whites to settle among them ; and concluded that the 
Indians would never advance greatly in civilization until they 
were forced to cultivate the soil for support. We shall see 
how he used his knowledge and experience for the benefit of 
the New England Indians. Most of all, this dispute led Occom 
to see and to assert, as he did many times, that his people 
would never accept the Christian religion until they were 
treated with more justice by their neighbors. One of the 
New England fathers, the best known judge of the Massachu- 
setts Bay courts, once wrote : " It will be a vain attempt for 
us to offer heaven to them, if they take up prejudices against 
us, as if we did grudge them a living upon their own earth." 
This was an opinion which Samson Occom formed in conse- 


quence of his acquaintance with the Mohegan Land Case and 
which he expressed in almost the same words. He believed 
that his tribe had been cheated, and doubtless he said so. 
His family had long been loyal to the Ben Uncas claim to the 
sachemship. Yet he was one of that party, among which were 
the most intelligent of the tribe, who thought that the over- 
seers, as agents of the Colony, were using the sachem as a 
tool for their own ends. He refused to surrender his opinion 
or compromise by any agreement with the overseers. This 
brought him at least under suspicion of antagonism to the 
Colony. He seems never to have expected redress. At the 
same time he entertained no animosity toward the Colony or 
the whites. He knew well that they had done much for his 
people. When the final decision came at last, he wrote as 
follows: " The grand controversy which has subsisted between 
the Colony of Connecticut and the Mohegan Indians above 
seventy years, is finally decided in favor of the Colony. I am 
afraid the poor Indians will never stand a good chance with 
the English in their land controversies, because they are very 
poor, they have no money. Money is almighty now-a-days, 
and the Indians have no learning, no wit, no cunning : the 
English have all." ^ 

There was a sequel to this controversy in the life of Sam- 
son Occom, to which we now turn. The school at Mohegan 
had been kept since 1752 by a Scotchman named Robert 
Clelland, under the patronage of the Boston commissioners. 
His salary was not large — only ;^2o a year — but, in his own 
words, his " Scots spirite was bigger than his salary." He had 
lived in a tenement attached to the schoolhouse or near 
it,^ and by means of his noonday distributions of bread, paid 
for by the Colony, he had succeeded in maintaining the cause 

^Caulkins' Hist, of Norwich, p. 269. 

3 This was the schoolhouse of former years, and stood, we tliink, where the one 
does at present. It had been repaired in 1742 and 1752. In 1757 the teacher's 
house was repaired. — Cojin. Archives, Coll. and Schools, I, 109, 125. 


of education. Rev. David Jewett, as minister of the Indians 
in the town, was lecturing to them at ^15 per annum, and 
overseeing the school. Messrs. Jewett and Clelland were 
friendly to the colony in the land case. The former would 
lose all his acres if the Indians should win — so it was re- 
ported. Remember now that Ben Uncas was considered to 
be a tool of the Colonial party, in consequence of which the 
majority of the tribe were alienated from him, and we have a 
situation out of w^hich trouble w^as sure to arise. It began 
w^hen Occom expressed an unfavorable opinion of the school- 
master, and cast some blame on Mr. Jewett for keeping him in 
the place. The fact was that the commissioners themselves 
were not fully satisfied, and had questioned him in the matter. 
He did make the following charges against Clelland : that he 
took so many English youth that the Indians were crowded 
out, that he had no government and did not teach carefully, 
that he did not pray in his school nor teach the Indians 
English manners, that he neglected the school and did not 
furnish the dinners according to agreement, and that he used 
the Indians' horses without their leave.* These seemed to him 
to be good grounds for dismissing the schoolmaster ; but his 
action awakened great opposition. When later he went to 
Boston, Ben Uncas wrote, " Samson is an uneasy, restless 
man, he is gone to Boston to get the commissioners to dis- 
miss our school-master."^ This was not true. Clelland had 
already been dismissed by their vote of September 19, 1764. 
He did not seem to understand this or he did not receive 
their notice, and was again dismissed the 5th of July, 1765, 
having served for thirteen years. ^ Mr. Jew^ett had some feel- 

* Cotin. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers, Doc, April 26, 1764. 

^ Conn. Archives, Indian Papers, II, 258. 

6 Clelland continued to live at Mohegan some years. The society aided him in his 
" old age " in 1770, and he petitioned again in 1775. He was succeeded by VS^illard 
Hubbard, who taught until operations were suspended by the Revolution. — MS. 
Rec. Soc. for Prop. Gos. 


ing toward Occom on account of this affair. He considered 
that he was the authorized supervisor of the school, and that 
Occom had interfered. On the other hand, the Indian resented 
the meddlesomeness of the whites, and the English minister in 
particular, in their tribal affairs. He was a councilor. His 
influence was great. He openly expressed his views on the 
land case and advised his people. Probably also he had 
something to say about Mr. Jewett's own land interests. Yet 
all this was not so great a cause for trouble as the success 
which Occom met with as a preacher when he removed to 
Mohegan. The Indians had long been considered as belong- 
ing to Mr. Jewett's parish. Some of them, it will be remem- 
bered, were members of his church. Occom began to hold 
services in the schoolhouse, and at once all the Indians of his 
party and some of the whites gathered to his standard. He 
was n^ot at fault in this, — it was the work he had been com- 
missioned to do for the Indians, and he made no effort to in- 
fluence the English. However, the white minister quite 
naturally became jealous. Doctor Wheelock wrote thus to 
Whitefield : ^ 

The Breach between Mr Jewett & M"" Occom grows wider — M^ Jewett's 
People and a great Number from other neighbouring Parishes flock to hear 
M"". Occom on Lord's Days at Mohegan &c the Effect of which you may 
easily guess. And M"" Jewett is like to lose all his Land in his Parish, if 
the Indians there should gain their point in their Suit against the Govern- 
ment in an old affair called Mason's Case lately revived. And M'' Occom 
can't avoid being considered as a Party while he continues there. The 
affair is too long (if I were enough acquainted with it) to give you such a 
particular acco^ as perhaps will be best you should have if you should take 
M' Occom to England with you. This together with their Controversy 
with their School Master has made a great Ferment among them, and 
Ml" Occom is blamed by some that he will advise the Indians, that he will 
suffer the English to flock to hear him &c ' 

This was an affront which a minister could hardly bear in 
those days of his autocratic power. Here was a prophet, and 

•Wheelock Papers, Lett. Oct. 10, 1764. 


he an Indian, who had some honor in his own country. But 
Doctor Wheelock did not tell the whole story. Those who 
flocked to hear Occom were mostly such as sympathized with 
the Indians in their contest against the Colony. The conse- 
quence was that a storm of popular feeling was raised against 
Occom. It grew to such proportions that "one scarcely dared 
to mention his name." He was called an enemy of the Colony, 
a "bad, mischievous and designing man," and other names 
which a pious person of that time could consistently use against 
an Indian. Mr. Jewett also wrote the commissioners at Boston, 
making charges against him. We do not doubt that Occom 
resented this treatment. He may have used some expressions 
which were not altogether to his credit. 

When the excitement had somewhat subsided, the newly- 
organized Connecticut Board of Correspondents, meeting at 
Lebanon on that eventful day when "Good Peter" unex- 
pectedly arrived, took up the matter with the design of sifting 
the charges and effecting a reconciliation. Occom and Jewett 
were present. We give the result in the words of Doctor 
Wheelock, the secretary : 

At a Meeting of the Board of Correspondents in the Colony of Connecti- 
cut on the 1 2th day of March, A. D. 1765 at the Rev^ M»" Wheelock's House 
in Lebanon — Upon a public and loud Clamour of the Rev^^ M'' Samson 
Occom's Misconduct in a Number of Instances relative to the Separations 
in and about Mohegan, and ill Conduct towards the Overseers in the Affair 
of leasing the Indian Lands, and some proud and haughty Threatenings to 
turn Episcopalian and Unsettledness respecting the Constitution of our 
Churches and Infant Baptism, and disrespectful Treatment of the Rev'! 
M"" Jewet and illegal proceedings against the School Master at Mohegan, 
and engaging in the Mason Cotitroversy (so called) against the Government : 
And, the Glory of God, M*" Occom's Character and Usefulness and particu- 
larly the Reputation of Indian Affairs, requiring that these Reports should 
be publicly looked into, that his Innocence or Guilt therein might thereby 
publickly appear: Wherefore, the Rev^ M^ Jewet, at the Desire of some 
of this Board, exhibited a Charge consisting of a Number of Articles 
against the said M"" Occom which were deliberately heard with Evidences 
and Pleas on both Sides. And upon most carefully weighing the whole 


Controversy, Mr Occom was not found guilty of any of the charges laid 
against him, excepting that of the Masofi Cofitroversy in which he was 
blamed only agreeable to the Tenor of what follows — 

" Although, as a Member of the Mohegan Tribe and, for many years, one 
of their Council, I thought I had not only a natural & civil Right but that 
it was my Duty to acquaint myself with their temporal affairs; Yet I am, 
upon serious and close Reflexion, convinced, that as there was no absolute 
Necessity for it, it was very imprudent in me, and offensive to the Public 
that I should so far engage as of late I have done, in the Mason Controversy: 
which has injured my Ministerial Character, hurt my Usefulness, and 
brought Dishonor upon M"" Wheelock's School and the Correspondents. 
For this imprudent, rash and offensive Conduct of mine, I am heartily 
sorry, and beg Forgiveness of God — of this honorable Board of Corre- 
spondents, of whom I ought to have asked farther Advice — and of the 
Public; determining that I will not for the future act in that affair, unless 
called thereto and obliged by lawful Authority." 

This Submission, being offered to this Board, by the Rev'i Mr Occom, 
was accepted. Moreover M^ Occom desired that a copy of the Letter 
which the Rev^ M"" Jewet wrote to the Commissioners at Boston some time 
last Fall, in which he thinks there are several Things injurious to his 
Character, might be laid before the Board. Which being read and con- 
sidered the Board are of Opinion that it is M*" Jewet's Duty, in Justice 
to M"" Occom's Character, to write said Commissioners of the Satisfaction 
which he now professes to have received from M"" Occom's defence ; and 
that a copy of said Writing should be laid before this Board at their next 
Meeting for their Approbation, which M"" Jewet agreed to do^ 

Occom's conduct at this meeting was very creditable. It 
won him new esteem from his old friends. Doctor Wheelock 
reported that "he made a bold and truly manly and Christian 
defence in a spirit of meekness, and vindicated his conduct to 
have been judicious, prudent and becoming a Minister of the 
Gospel." The reverend company must have been a little 
amused at the outcome of some of the charges. Occom 
admitted frankly that he had proceeded against the school- 
master. He urged that Clelland's usefulness was evidently at 
an end when none of the Indians would send their children to 
his school. On examination, it appeared that Mr. Jewett enter- 
tained the same opinion. Occom denied that he had spoken 

8 Wheelock Papers, Doc, March 12, 1765. 


disrespectfully of Mr. Jewett ; he had only written the school- 
master that because Mr. Jewett called him bad names it was 
no reason he should do so. He had, in fact, used these 
words : " If Mr. Jewet has called me a Serpent I dont See 
that you have any Business to call me so." As to his " proud 
and haughty threatenings to turn Episcopalian," he admitted 
that he had, in jest, said he would turn Churchman, because 
some of his meddling ministerial neighbors were a nuisance. 
After this manner all the charges melted away except one. 
That was a serious matter. The company, as loyal ministers 
of the colony, frowned upon this Mohegan councilor who said 
he had advised his ignorant brethren in their affairs. They 
argued that he had thus injured his ministerial character, and 
brought dishonor upon Indian missions! He had done that 
which was " offensive to the public ! " So Samson Occom, 
who was morbidly sensitive, loaded this sin upon this honest 
soul, and humbly asked forgiveness. We have no doubt that 
the Almighty granted him a full pardon. The correspondents 
did, and so did the Colony of Connecticut when the case was 
decided in its favor. There was, professedly, a reconciliation 
between Jewett and Occom. The former said he was satisfied, 
and they shook hands. In the ample fireplace of the minis- 
ter's study they burned up so many valuable papers on the 
case that the doctor was afraid they would set his house afire. 
Nevertheless, l^octor Wheelock wrote, " I fear the injury done 
Mr. Occom's character will not soon nor readily be wholly 

Mr. Jewett went home. Weeks grew into months, and still 
he did not write the commissioners at Boston the letter he 
had promised. Occom very justly felt aggrieved. "I wonder," 
he afterwards. wrote, " what ails that good, bad man." Finally, 
on the twentieth of June, Doctor Wheelock wrote his white 
brother a " sharp letter," in which he said : '' If you have noth- 
ing against Mr. Occom more than you said to us, I advise you 


to settle according to your agreement." This brought out 
from Mr. Jewett the promised letter to the commissioners, 
dated June 26th, which was laid before the correspondents on 
the second of July, and accepted. So the trouble ended. It 
was not much, after all — a conflagration kindled by a little fire. 
At the time, however, it created a widespread feeling against 
Samson Occom and his Christian Indians. The consequences 
in his life might have been serious, had he not soon been 
called to make the Indian's plea in England. When he 
returned, it was with honor. The people forgot that he had 
ever been an enemy of their Colony, and his old neighbors 
were proud to own him. 



The idea of sending Samson Occom to England in behalf 
of the Indian Charity School was first suggested by Rev. 
George Whitefield. He knew the times and the cause, and 
was well acquainted with the temper of the English people. 
So early as 1760, he wrote: "Had I ,a converted Indian 
scholar that could preach and pray in English, something 
might be done to purpose."^ At that time, however, nothing 
in a missionary way had been accomplished. The early 
Oneida missions gave Occom a story to tell, and when the 
plan was actually in operation several of Wheelock's pupils 
were engaged in the work. Moreover, the wars of the time, in 
which the Indians were so important a factor, made the cause 
somewhat unpopular. So matters stood until 1764, when 
Whitefield visited New England. He then had a better 
opportunity of making the acquaintance of Occom, who 
attended him on his journey through part of Connecticut, 
riding one of the horses of his chariot.- A new interest also 
was kindled in the mind of the great evangelist by his meeting 
with the Indians here and there, and by his long and earnest 
conversations with Doctor Wheelock concerning the Indian 
school. Whitefield was then so certain of the success of the 
plan that he proposed to take Occom to England with him on 
his return. His later consideration of the matte;; led him to 
determine otherwise, and doubtless his conclusion was in the 
interest of a larger success. It was thought better to send 

1 McClure's Mevi. of Wheelock^ p. 223. 

2 Larned's Hist, of Windham County, II, 39. 



Occom in the care of some white minister who had been asso- 
ciated with the school or Indian missions. Here difficulties 
and delays arose. An application was made to the New York 
correspondents of the Scotch Societ)^ endorsed by the Con- 
necticut board, March 12, 1765, for the assistance of Rev. 
John Brainerd in this capacity. It was denied. He could 
not be spared. At another meeting, held at John Ledyard's, 
in Hartford, on the loth of May, it was voted to send Rev. 
Charles Jeffrey Smith. He would have been a good man, 
but for various reasons he declined. Meanwhile, Doctor 
Wheelock, with Occoni and Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker, pastor 
of the church at Chelsea in Norwich,^ went eastward on a 
soliciting tour. They visited Boston, Salem, Ipswich, Rowley, 
Newbury, Exeter, Portsmouth and other places. They also 
appeared before the New Hampshire legislature. About 
;^3oo sterling were collected. Mr. Whitaker had been on a 
similar journey the year before, and had met with some suc- 
cess. It then became more than ever evident to Doctor 
Wheelock that the presence of the Indian preacher was calcu- 
lated to convince an audience of the usefulness of his enter- 
prise. He determined to send Occom to England, at once, 
with some one. He would like to have gone himself, but he 
could not leave in a year so critical. Finally the Connecticut 
correspondents, at a meeting held July third, voted to commit 
the mission to Mr. Whitaker. 

Preparations were immediately begun for their departure. 
^'A Continuation of the Narrative " was prepared and printed 

2 Nathaniel Whitaker was born Feb. 22, 1732, on Long Island. After his gradua- 
tion from Princeton College in 1752, he studied theology, and until 1759 was pastor 
of the Presbyterian church at Woodbridge, N. J. He was installed at Norwich, 
Feb. 25, 1761, and on account of some difficulties attending his ministry there he was 
dismissed in 1769, shortly after his return from England. From 1769 to 1784, he was 
pastor of the Tabernacle church in Salem. Mass., from 1784 to 1790, he ministered at 
Skowhegan, Maine, and he was subsequently at Taunton, Mass. He died, Jan. 21, 
1795, in Virginia. — Q,\vA.'i€'% Hist, of Dart. Coll. ^■^. 60; Caulkins' //z\f/. of Norwich y 
pp. 460-465. 


at Boston. Occom was sent to Sir William Johnson to secure 
his written endorsement. Mr. Whitaker went to Smithtown, L. I., 
where the Suffolk Presbytery met on the twenty-first of August, 
to obtain from them a recommendation for Occom. Appar- 
ently they did not approve of the plan. It doubtless seemed 
absurd, as it did to many. They could not see their way clear 
to give him a recommendation, as he was to be sent under the 
auspices of another body ; but they agreed to give him a dis- 
mission and testimonials if he wished to sever his connection 
with them. This Occom did not care to do. At a later 
meeting, October 30, 1765, they voted to recommend him "as 
one they ordained with special relation to the Indians and cer- 
tify that he is of good moral life and of good standing." At 
the same time they gave their consent to his employment 
under the Connecticut Board of Correspondents. This cleared 
the way so far as Occom was concerned. 

Mr. Whittaker also went southward as far as Philadelphia 
and later to the eastward to secure testimonials. To a letter^ 
which had been prepared by Doctor Wheelock, he obtained the 
signatures of sixty-nine gentlemen prominent in Church and 
State in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New Hamp- 
shire. Three ministers of the Church of England signed this 
testimonial — Samuel Seabury, afterwards the first bishop of 
Connecticut, Thomas B. Chandler, and Jacob Duche. There 
was only one Massachusetts name in the list, though probably 
some would have signed had they been asked. The reason 
will presently appear. Governor Fitch of Connecticut also 
granted his endorsement, warmly commending the purpose of 
the Indian Charity School. 

The ministers of eastern Connecticut added their testimony, 
among them being Rev. Matthew Graves, missionary of the 
Episcopal Church at New London. This minister was especially 
interested in Samson Occom, and they were on most friendly 
terms. In a letter of commendation which he then gave he 


speaks thus of his Indian brother : " He has shewed himself a 
Pattern of good Works, of blameless Conversation, a Lover of 
good Men, sober, just, holy, temperate, gentle to all, commend- 
ing himself to every Man's Conscience in the Sight of God. 
He is of a most catholic Spirit, prudent and exem- 
plary in his Behaviour. The Dissenting Ministers, to my 
Knowledge, allow him in his Clerical Capacity to be a Person ^ 
justly deserving their greatest Esteem. And I faithfully be- 
lieve there are few of greater Credit to their Function." This 
was the clergyman in whose presence the Indian had in jest 
said he would turn Episcopalian. He really seems to have had 
some hope of Occom, as he^wrote him after he had reached 
England expressing the wish that his Indian friend would 
^' come home with Episcopal ordination." We conjecture also 
that he wrote to some church dignitary in a similar strain, 
which gave rise to the overtures Occom received from that 

Evidently Whitaker and Occom had testimonials enough to 
command the attention of all England. Robert Keen afterwards 
wrote that " Whitaker's recommendation looked like Ezekiel's 
scroll, full on both sides from one end to the other." They 
were all published in "A Brief Narrative of the Indian Charity 
School," issued after their arrival in England, and printed in 
London in 1766, of which a second edition, with an Appendix, 
was printed the year following. Whitefield is believed to have 
written the introduction to this narrative, and Whitaker to have 
edited it. Copies were distributed throughout the kingdom, 
and thus a complete and interesting statement of the work 
was made. Doctor Wheelock's " Memorial to the People of 
God in England, Scotland and Ireland," which it contained, was 
itself a most winsome plea. 

The commissioners of the " Society for Propagating the 
Gospel " at Boston were earnestly opposed to this venture. 
Among them were some who had long been unfriendly to Doc- 


tor Wheelock's plan of conducting missions. His education 
of Indian youth was one thing, which they had to a limited 
extent approved ; but the sending out of missionaries on his 
personal responsibility was quite another. Even the forma- 
tion of the Connecticut Board of Correspondents had not 
wholly satisfied their objections.- Probably they thought also 
that such a mission to England would throw their substantial 
work into the shadow and injure their prestige in the mother 
country. It would be likely to divert contributions of which they 
were in need. How general such a sentiment was we do not 
know. This, however, was the reason why no effort was made 
to secure testimonials in Massachusetts. Indeed, the scheme 
was well under way before the commissioners were aware of it. 
As it finally came to them, Occom was to be sent over as an 
Indian who had been converted from heathenism and particu- 
larly as the fruit of Dr. Wheelock's work. To this they very 
properly objected, for they had long supported a school at 
Mohegan and had maintained Occom while he was being edu- 
cated. Some credit, they thought, was due to their society. 
This Indian preacher is often spoken of at the present time as 
one who was educated at the Indian Charity School, whereas 
he was the means of its establishment. At all events the com- 
missioners wrote a letter to Jasper Mauduit, governor of the com- 
pany in England, dated October 2, 1765, which was decidedly 
prejudicial to Occom's mission. They asserted that the Indian 
preacher had been brought up in the midst of Christian influ- 
ences in their school, and that he had not been converted from 
heathenism at all. The inference from this statement was 
untrue. They had indeed supported a school at Mohegan ; 
but Occom's conversion and education were in no way due to 
it. Doctor Wheelock was greatly distressed over this letter 
when he heard of it. The commissioners' records show that it 
was read to him and he replied to it, but this was after his 
emissaries had departed and their success was assured. The 


commissioners, moreover, made their disapproval known round 
about. It came thus to the ears of the Connecticut corres- 
pondents, so that Whitaker and Occom went to England fore- 
warned in the matter. On their arrival in Boston, as they were 
about to sail, they met the commissioners and endeavored to 
adjust the trouble, but they failed. We are indebted to this 
attack on Occom for a statement of facts concerning his early 
life which he drew up at Boston on the 28th of November. He 
intended later to amplify this into an autobiography — a pur- 
pose which he unfortunately never carried out. He wrote thus 
to Doctor Wheelock, December 6th : " The Honorable Com- 
missioners here are still very strong in their opposition to your 
Scheme. They think it is nothing but a Shame to send me over 
the great Water. They say it is to impose upon the good Peo- 
ple. They further affirm I was bro't up Regularly and a Chris- 
tian all my Days. Some say I cant Talk Indian. Others say 
I cant read. In short I believe the old Devil is in Boston to 
oppose our Design, but I am in hopes he is almost superan- 
nuated, or in a Delireum. ... I have a struggle in my 
mind at times, knowing not where I am going. I dont know 
but I am looking for a spot of ground where my bones must be 
buried and never see my poor Family again, but I verily believe 
I am called of God by [a] strange Providence and that is 
enough.""^ This opposition increased the discouragement of 
the good man at Lebanon who carried the burdens. He was 
not very sanguine of success himself, and the unkind words, 
amounting even to ridicule, which were heaped upon him still 
further depressed him. In a letter to Whitefield, he wrote : 
" I am concerned for Mr. Occom. He has done well and been 
useful as a missionary among his Savage Brethren, but what 
a figure he will make in London I cant tell."^ Some of his 
friends were more confident. Rev. Charles Jeffrey Smith said : 

"Wheelock Papers, Lett. Dec. 6, 1765. 
= Ibid., Lett. Nov. 11, 1765. 


" An Indian minister in England might get a Bushel of money 
for the School.'' The doctor would have been satisfied with 
a few handfuls. Mr. John Smith, the Boston merchant and 
old friend of the school, was then in London. He heard there 
of an attempt by another society to anticipate Occom with a 
converted Indian, who is said to have been sent over and to 
have been ordained in the Episcopal order at Bristol. There- 
upon he wrote urging haste in the following words : " He must 
not stay to put on his wigg but come in his night cap. All 
that's wanted is to have Mr. Occom here. He is expected & 
waited for by many. I know an influential nobleman that ex- 
pects him and has asked me after him."^ So the plan was 
finally to be put to a test. 

On the 2ist of November, 1765, Occom set out from Mohe- 
gan for Boston, having reverently committed his family to the 
care of Almighty God. He reached there on the twenty-third, 
and on the twenty-seventh Mr. Whitaker returned from a jour- 
ney to Portsmouth, having collected almost enough money to 
pay their expenses. After a delay of several weeks waiting for 
a ship, they finally embarked on the packet Boston, John Mar- 
shall, master, on the twenty-third of December. The price of 
their ocean passage was twenty guineas, and among the many 
good works of that worthy patriot, John Hancock, who was 
part owner in the ship, was his contribution of his share, be- 
ing one fourth.'^ 

The Indian preacher who had thus gone to storm the Chris- 
tian people of England, was no ordinary man for such a work. 
It is confessed that he had some attainments as a preacher. 
President Dwight, who heard him twice, says : " His dis- 
courses, though not proofs of superior talents, weie decent, 
and his utterance in some degree eloquent." It would be a 
mistake to infer from this opinion that Occom was quite like 

^Wheelock Papers^ Lett, Sept. ii, 1765. 

"^ Ibid., John Marshall's Receipt, Feb. 25, 1766. 


the average English minister of his day. He was neither a 
logician nor a theologian. His sermons were always simple. 
They had, however, the indescribable scent of the forest in 
them. He could of course speak best in his native tongue, 
not only because he could better command the language, but 
also because of his familiarity with the figures of speech so 
popular in all Indian oratory. One who knew him well said 
he was " vastly more natural and free, clear and eloquent" 
when addressing the Indians. But this habit of figurative ex- 
pression passed over into his English speech. He had many 
apt illustrations of his points, some of which have survived 
and are sometimes heard in this distant day. One can easily 
imagine how this characteristic would charm an English audi- 
ence. He made thus a clear and close application of the truth 
which impressed his hearers. His mission also afforded him 
an opportunity of extemporaneous preaching, in which he ap- 
peared to the best advantage. The few surviving manuscripts 
of his sermons are those of his early life. Later he rarely 
wrote and never read from his notes. He had no need of the 
variety of a settled ministry, and, going from place to place, he 
doubtless often repeated the substance of his sermons. So it 
was in England. He had substantially the same story to tell 
everywhere. This he had soon mastered and could deliver 
with interest and effect. He seems also to have come under 
the influence of Whitefield's fervor. After his return from 
England this impression remained. It contributed largely to 
his success as an evangelist, which indeed he was. In truth, 
this Indian preacher was no novice. He had been already be- 
fore large audiences in Boston and New York. Yet, of course, the 
secret of his power was in the fact that he was himself the em- 
bodiment of his cause — a native Indian of no mean tribe, who 
had risen to the highest station of any Indian preacher in the 
century. He was in earnest, and never once did he forget 
the main object of his long journey. Withal, his manners 


were such as intercourse with some of the best New England 
families could cultivate, for he had been often a welcome guest 
in their homes. Calm, dignified and self-possessed, as many 
an Indian chief was wont to be, he exhibited those qualities 
which were esteemed in a minister of that day. Surely he was 
as well equipped for his mission as any Indian could hope 
to be. 

The voyagers sighted land on the second of F'ebruary 
and the next day they were taken ashore in a fishing 
boat at Brixham, about two hundred miles from London. 
On horseback they went to Exeter, thence by night coach to 
Salisbury, and on the sixth instant they arrived safely at the 
house of Mr. Dennys DeBerdt in London, where they lodged. 
Their host had been for years a warm friend of their cause, 
and he was a gentleman of some means and influence. Mr. 
John Smith of Boston was also awaiting them. He had writ- 
ten that " Occom on coming should shut himself up in a coach 
and come directly to Mr. Whitefield's in London." In ac- 
cordance with this plan, shrewdly devised by Whitefield him- 
self, that they might be properly launched in their mission, the 
visitors were conducted the next morning by Mr. Smith to the 
minister's home. There they remained two weeks. After a 
few days in retirement, during which we may be sure their 
host was quietly preparing the way for their introduction to 
London society, they were carried by Whitefield to be pre- 
sented to the Earl of Dartmouth, whom Whitefield called the 
" Daniel of his age." So well is this nobleman known in his- 
tory that we need give no account of him. He was without a 
doubt the main pillar of the enterprise, and his honored name 
deserves to be kept in remembrance in the American college 
which bears it. Surely if he had then opposed we should have 
heard little more of the Indian Charity School. Occom only 
says of the visit to him in his diary: "He appeared like a 
worthy Lord indeed." We learn from other sources that he 


was the nobleman who had anticipated Occom's coming and 
that he gave him a cordial reception. Then they were taken 
to pay their respects to the aged and noble Lady Hotham, the 
wife of Sir Charles Hotham, who became a trustee of the fund 
and died before Occom's return. After several days they had 
met most of the " religious nobility " and many of the distin- 
guished ministers of London. 

The time had now come for the Indian preacher's debut. It 
was on the sixteenth of February, in Whitefield's tabernacle. At 
the appointed hour of service the edifice was thronged. Many 
of the nobility were present, and indeed out of a genuine inter- 
est in the occasion. England had heard a great deal about 
the North American Indians, especially during the recent 
wars ; but one had never been heard before in the pulpit. We 
can imagine the interest and stillness of the congregation as 
the stalwart figure of the Mohegan appeared before them. He 
was then forty-three years of age. His face, while distinctly 
that of an Indian, had a nobility of expression which some 
must have remarked on then, as many do who now gaze upon 
his picture. His flowing locks reached almost to his shoul- 
ders. In attire he was becomingly clad in ministerial black, 
with vest of colonial cut and knee breeches. Alas ! we do 
not know where his text was, or if he had one. He himself 
only iioted the " great multitude." Whitefield wrote that he 
preached with "acceptance." The indications are, however, 
that he made a decided and very favorable impression. From 
that time, at least, his success was assured, and so his friends 
wrote to Doctor Wheelock, awaiting the result with anxiety in 
his home on a Connecticut hilltop. 

Whitefield saw that a movement, which he hoped would 
appeal to all denominations and sects, would do better if it 
preserved an attitude of independence. He arranged there- 
fore that Occom should '-go round the other denominations 
in a proper rotation." He also engaged for Whitaker and 


Occom private lodgings, at the end of two weeks, where they 
were accessible to all. A servant was hired for them, whose 
name may have been Mary Joyner, and soon they were estab- 
lished in comfort. It was necessary that Occom should be in- 
oculated as a protection against the smallpox, before he 
traveled much abroad. This was done at the hands of his 
companion, Mr. Whitaker, on the nth of March, on which 
day the Indian wrote to his wife of the fact and said, " You 
will soon hear whether I am well of it or dead of it." He got 
well of it, and probably did not find it a very unpleasant expe- 
rience, as he was attended by servants, had two of the best 
physicians in London to treat him, and was visited daily by 
gentlemen and ladies whose acquaintance he had made. Those 
days of convalescence had many pleasures to which he had 
not been accustomed. He became popular from the first — a 
center of religious interest. While he was thus entertained, 
his companion was about seeing the sights of the metropolis 
and preparing the way for Occom's appearance in the churches. 
He saw the king when he went to the Houses of Parliament, 
*' amid shouts and acclamations of a joyful people," in order 
to sign the bill for repealing the Stamp Act. He interested 
further the Earl of Dartmouth, through whom "the w^ay to the 
throne " he wrote " is very short." He arranged to have 
Occom meet His Majesty as soon as he recovered. This he 
did, and the king contributed ^200 to the cause. It is said 
also that he preached later before the king in one of his chap- 
els, and we think he did, though the date and place are un- 
known to us. 

It is unnecessary to follow the Indian preacher, on his 
recovery, from church to church. As he became accustomed 
to the situation he improved. Large congregations were 
gathered, and generous collections were taken up. As a 
novelty he had an advantage. With true Indian sagacity he 
saw this, and made up his mind to use the sensation he 


caused to gather contributions for the Indian school. He was 
lionized everywhere, but we have testimony to his modesty in 
enduring it. In a short time he had become such a conspicu- 
ous and distinguished character in London that the players in 
the theaters made him an object of their mimicry. This was 
much to his advantage, no doubt, in advertising him. It did 
not trouble him in the least ; he only wrote, " I little thought 
I should ever come to that honor." Soon they were flooded 
with invitations. They dined with the Earl of Dartmouth, 
where others of the nobility were present as guests, with Sir 
Charles Hotham and with many of the most celebrated divines 
in the city. No doubt the Indian enjoyed this. He had 
many a time had the hard fare of the wilderness or gone 
hungry. Still, his attention was not diverted from the main 
purpose of his visit. In this society of ladies and gentlemen 
who were accustomed to sit before kings, he conducted him- 
self with the manners of the white man, as though he had 
never lived in a wigwam of bark. The soft tones of his voice 
were said to be remarkably pleasing in conversation. At that 
time there was unusual interest in the study of Indian life. 
The Earl of Dartmouth was a student of such matters. At 
his desire Doctor Wheelock sent him some Indian curiosities 
which David Fowler gathered among the Indians — "a stone 
pipe covered with porcupine quills, a burden band to bind 
loads to the back, a thong of elm bark with which captives 
were tied, a tobacco pouch, a knife case, and shoes and 
garters." No one could better entertain a company at dinner 
with conversation on Indian customs and stories of adventure 
in the wilderness than Occom. If he spoke as he sometimes 
wrote there was a dry humor in his sayings, at which he never 
laughed himself, but which must have amused his listeners. 
One of the most remarkable things we know of his conduct 
was that, having such an opportunity, with his tribal land-con- 
troversy on hand and Mason then in London in its interests, 


he held strictly to his pledge and did not meddle in the matter. 
This was certainly an indication of a strong character. His 
companion wrote home in triumph that Occom had not said a 
word on the Mason case. " I can assure the folks of Con- 
necticut," he said, " that Mr. Occom is full as peaceable as 
any of them." 

It was necessary, of course, that the Indian preacher should 
see the historic places in London. He was attended hither 
and thither by friends, and was greatly interested in the 
Houses of Parliament, Westminster Bridge, the Abbey and 
the Tower. Yet these sights only brought more vividly before 
him the contrast between such magnificence and his poor, 
ignorant people across the sea. He was not carried away by 
the most gorgeous spectacle. They took him to the royal 
robing-room, and he saw the king, George III, arrayed for 
Parliament, and watched him as he put on a diamond-studded 
crown ; but the sight only led him to make in his diary some 
disparaging comparisons between the earthly robe and crown 
and the heavenly. He witnessed the festival of the queen's 
birthday, but when he saw the attire of the nobles and thought 
of his naked brethren he said it reminded him of Dives and 
Lazarus. In fact, it appears that some who had been inclined 
to regard him as a visiting savage from abroad, found out, 
after a little, that he was not so verdant as they had thought. 
As religious people came to know him, they valued more and 
more the real spiritual earnestness of his character. 

Among the notable personages of the time whom Occom 
met were some who had a great influence over him. One of 
these was Selina, the Countess of Huntingdon, to whom he 
was presented by Whitefield. He wrote of her in his diary, 
" She is the most Heavenly woman I believe in the world." 
Her heart had long been engaged in the Indian school. The 
two had frequent meetings. She hospitably entertained him 
at her country-seat and is said to have regarded him as "one 


of the most interesting and extraordinary characters of her 
time." ^ He made a firm friend in John Thornton, Esq., of 
Clapham, a most religious and benevolent gentleman.^ To 
this man, who in large measure maintained Occom afterwards 
in his missionary labors, his later usefulness was due. Another 
noted person with whom the Indian formed an acquaintance 
was Rev. John Newton of Olney, who invited him to his home. 
He also met and preached for the following ministers : Martin 
Madan, John Conder, Samuel Stennett, Andrew Gifford, 
Thomas Gibbons, Samuel Brewer, William Romaine and 
Samuel Chandler. Indeed, there was scarcely a distinguished 
divine in England whom he did not meet during his stay. 

As might have been expected from his friendship with 
Whitefield, the conservative wing of the Church of England 
did not grant their hearty support to the movement. At first 
they seemed to do so. Whitaker and Occom waited on the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, who "appeared quite agreeable 
and friendly" to the Indian, and to Whitaker expressed his 
approval of the plan.^^ The Archbishop of York also declared 
his interest in the cause. Soon, however, . these churchmen 
altered their minds, and finally they opposed the mission. 
It is said that the established churches were publicly advised 
not to contribute. Whitaker attributed this to misrepresenta- 

^ Life and Times vf Selina, Countess of Huntingdon, London, 1S40, I, 411. 

'■•John Thornton was the son of Robert Thornton, a London merchant, and was 
born at Clapham, April i, 1720. He also became a merchant and acquired large 
wealth, which he so generously devoted to benevolence that he was esteemed as one 
of the philanthropists of his time. His religious affiliations were with the " Clapham 
Sect," but he maintained friendly relations with all Christians. He died at Bath, 
Nov. 7, 1790. — Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll. 

10 " We waited on his Grace of Canterbury some days since, introduced by Dr. 
Chandler (who died last Thursday). His Lordship told us that they had tried to 
procure Indian youth to educate & never could — that [it was] his opinion that their 
Society should send some youth to your [School] & support them, if you would take 
them, who, when fitted should [be in] their imploy & that he would lay it before the 
Bishops. He says he greatly approves the Scheme & so says his Grace of York (on 
whom we waited the next day)." — Whitaker Papers, Dart. Coll., Lett, to Wheelock, 
May 14, 1766. 


tions from America, and it might have been in part due to the 
letter of the Boston commissioners. It was during the earlier 
period that William Warburton, Bishop of Gloucester, ex- 
pressed to Occom the hope that he would see his way to 
" Holier Orders " ; but the Indian blandly answered, '' I had 
no such view when I came from home." This noted divine is 
said to have taunted Mr. Whitaker unmercifully for being a 
Presbyterian. Probably he was the one who made the over- 
tures of Episcopal ordination and dignities to Occom. ^^ Not- 
withstanding this opposition among ruling authorities, many of 
the Episcopal churches did contribute to the cause, as well as 
ministers and laymen among them. Occom did not suffer him- 
self to be disturbed by his treatment. He had honestly no 
desire for honors ; he wanted money for the education of In- 
dians. Liberality of views in ecclesiastical matters w^as always 
characteristic of him. He expressed a willingness to fellowship 
all Christian sects, and he uniformly did so throughout his life. 
This sentiment augmented his success in England. He knew 
the differences between the denominations, but he never 
uttered a word which made a personal enemy of Independent 
or Episcopalian, Baptist, Quaker or Methodist. This was no 
easy task, for he was warned by each against the other. Even 
Dr. Chandler advised him ''not to own Mr. Whitefield as a 
friend either to Dissenters or to the old standards of the 
Church of England.'* Such words did not seem to prejudice 
him. Still, he never forgot the treatment he received from 
some of the bishops in England. When he was safely at 
home among the hills of Mohegan he uttered his mind after 
this fashion : 

1' " We are informed that the Rev. Mr. Occum, during liis residence in England, 
had the offer of a Gown and with some considerable lucrative offer, which he re- 
fused." [New Lotidon Gazeife, June 3, 1768.] Occom wrote Mr. Green, the pub- 
lisher of this newspaper, April 17, 1769, that he received an offer of Episcopal ordi- 
nation soon after he reached London and that his refusal highly displeased the 
bishops. This was probably the sequel of Rev. Matthew Graves' sanguine hopes. 



Now I am in my own country, I may freely inform you of what I honestly 
and soberly think of the Bishops, Lord Bishops, and Archbishops of Eng- 
land. In my view, they don't look like Gospel Bishops or ministers of 
XI!hrist. I can't find them in the Bible. I think they a good deal resemble 
the Anti-christian Popes. I find the Gospel Bishops resemble, in some 
good measure their good Master; and they follow him in the example he 
has left them. They discover meekness and humility; are gentle and kind 
unto all men — ready to do good unto all — they are compassionate and mer- 
ciful unto the miserable, and charitable to the poor. But I did not find the 
Bishops of England so. Upon my word, if I never spoke the truth before 
I do now. I waited on a number of Bishops, and represented to them the 
miserable and wretched situation of the poor Indians, who are perishing 
for lack of spiritual knowledge, and begged their assistance in evangelizing 
these poor 1-heathen. IJut if you can believe me, they never gave us one 
single brass farthing. It seems to me that they are very indifferent whether 
the poor Indians go to Heaven or Hell. I can't help my thoughts: and I 
am apt to think they don't want the Indians to go to Heaven with them.i- 

Whitaker and Occom were occupied in the canvass of Lon- 
don and vicinity until the last of July. Then they made a 
tour through the west of England, which engaged them about 
four months. After this they were in and about London and 
in the eastern counties for a time. The contributions in- 
creased. Everywhere it was a new story. Immense audiences 
were gathered. On one occasion the service was held in the 
churchyard, and the congregation was estimated at three thou- 
sand. In the spring of 1767 they set out for Scotland by the 
way of Liverpool/^ preaching as they went. They arrived in 
May, and were present at the session of the General Assem- 
bly. It was known here, as it had not been at first in Eng- 
land, that they were acting under the authority of a board 
of correspondents of the Scotch Society. Here their work, 
therefore, received the official endorsement of the society 
which all Scotchmen revered, through its president, the Mar- 

i^Sprague's Annals, III, 193, 194 ; Prime's Hist, of Long Island, p. iii. 

13 '• Liverpool is a pool of errors & wickedness. The ministers here are Socinians, 
one Arminian & a Baptist the same, and another Baptist sound, who is alone in a 
town containing 30,000 souls & his congregation is a handful. Fifty years ago the 
Gospel flourished here."' — Occon's Diary, May 2, 1767. 


quis of Lothian. In the presence of the Assembly Occom 
brought out the address of the Oneida Indians and the wam- 
pum belt, for which they had sent in haste as they were leav- 
ing America. He also carried it about among their churches.^* 
It was a telling note to sound in Scotland. Their religious 
fervor was aroused as the Highland clans were wont to be by 
the flaming torch. The funds collected were to be paid to the 
Scotch Society, and to be held by them " towards building 
and endowing an Indian academy for clothing, boarding, main- 
taining and educating such Indians as are designed for mis- 
sionaries and schoolmasters, and for maintaining those who 
are, or hereafter shall be employed on this glorious errand." 
Their stay in Scotland was not long, but they collected there 
for the above purpose ;^2,529.^^ On the fifteenth of July they 
went to Ireland, expecting to meet the synod. They were too 
late, and " finding there a Mr. Edwards collecting for a Bap- 
tist college to be established in Rhode Island," they wisely re- 
turned to England to finish the work there. 

The friends of the cause in London had early determined to 
appoint an English board of trustees to receive and care for 
the funds raised in England. This had not been at first con- 
templated. A charter had always been Doctor Wheelock's 
desire ; but it was opposed by some of his influential friends. 
The trustees having been selected, Mr. Whitaker, in whose 
name the contributions had been received as the agent for Doc- 
tor Wheelock, transferred his authority to the board, Novem- 
ber 28, 1766. On the twenty-sixth of January following, the 
trustees met and organized with the choice of the Earl of 
Dartmouth as president, John Thornton, Esq., as treasurer, and 

" See chapter V, note 14. 

'5 The Scotch Society still holds this fund. In 1803 it amounted to £2,626, and it 
is now said to be over £6,000. The interest only can be expended, and it can 
neither be added to the principal nor draw interest. Our American schools have 
many promising Indian students, and it would seem as if this honorable society 
could devise some acceptable plan for assisting them. 


Robert Keen, a merchant of London, as secretary. The public 
were duly advised of this action in the appendix to the narra- 
tive of 1767, and in a continuation of the same issued two years 
later a complete statement was made of the funds collected. 
With what was received later, the amount raised in England 
was about ;^9,5oo, or more than ^12,000 in all. Whitaker and 
Occom were engaged in this work two years and one month, 
at an expense of about ^500. From the fund, also, their fam- 
ilies were supported, and they each received as a gratuity ^100. 
Occom delivered more than four hundred sermons or addresses. 
Such a charity toward a missionary cause in the colonies had 
never before been known. It did not pass without recognition. 
The General Association of Connecticut, at its meeting, June 21, 
1768, passed an appropriate vote of thanks to the churches of 
the mother country. 

No one can read the scattered correspondence relating to 
this mission without being convinced that its success was due 
almost solely to Samson Occom. Mr. Whitaker very soon be- 
came a mere agent. He seems not to have conducted himself 
with discretion at all times, expressing his opinion too freely 
on political matters. He even brought upon himself the se- 
vere censure of the trustees for his mismanagement of certain 
remittances. It should be remembered, however, that his posi- 
tion was a difficult one, as that of the fifth wheel to a coach 
always is. He went to England to care for the Indian, but, as 
it turned out, his services were hardly needed in that capacity. 
Occom, on the other hand, won universal esteem. Robert 
Keen wrote of him, he is a "plain, honest-hearted man, who 
is well received wherever he goes." John Thornton and 
George Whitefield, who saw much of him, gave him their un- 
qualified commendation. After his return he received a letter 
from Dr. Andrew Gifford, in which the writer said, "Your 
very decent and proper behaviour charmed most, if not all, 
who had the pleasure of conversing with you; and your hu- 


mility and piety I doubt not contributed much to the success 
of your application for the Indian school. "^^ Such, in sub- 
stance, was the opinion of all. McClure says in his diary that 
»' Occom's reputation was such in Scotland that some Gentle- 
men there offered to obtain for him a Doctorate in Divin- 
ity from the University of Edinburgh, but he modestly de- 
clined the honour." He received from friends here and 
there some tokens of this regard, mostly in the way of 
books which he brought back to his home at Mohegan, The 
king presented him with a number of volumes. When, years 
afterwards, Occom removed to the Oneida country, most of 
these remained behind and became scattered. A few have sur- 
vived to this day and are cherished by their owners as memen- 
toes of the great Indian preacher.^^ 

We are indebted to this mission to England for the pictures 
of Samson Occom which have come down to us. Something 
should be said concerning these. It is known that two por- 
traits of him were made in oil, from which all that have since 
been reproduced here and there originated. One was painted 
by Mason Chamberlain, a well-known artist of the time, some- 
what famous for the remarkable fidelity of his likenesses. 
This was done at the motion of the Earl of Dartmouth, and 
probably at his expense. He also had a portrait of Doctor Whit- 
aker, painted by the same artist, which was presented to him, 
and now hangs in the gallery at Dartmouth College. We think 

^*^ Con7t. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers^ Lett. May 22, 1769. 

^^ Rev. James Houghton, Bryn Mawr, Pa., has a Bible which belonged to Occom — 
a " Breeches Bible " of 1561. It has within the book-plate of "Henry Williams" 
and below it the words "Shepton Mallet, Somersetshire to the Rev*' Mr. Occom, pres- 
ent." The Conn. Hist. Soc. has a psalter in Latin and Syriac [Liber Psalmorum 
Davidis Regis & Prophetae] which was presented in 1S80 by Mrs. L. F. S. Foster of 
Norwich, Conn. In the possession of the Ripley family at Norwich there is also a 
" Paraphrase of the New Testament," which is said to have been given Occom by 
George III. It is inscribed " Samuel Warren's Book, which he bought from Samson 
Occum, which he brought from England 1766." [Caulkins' Hist, of Norwich., p. 
465.] We have also heard of other volumes from his library. 


that both these portraits were made in the winter of 1766, 
while they were in London. Occom's was retained in Eng- 
land, and although some search has been made, its owner and 
place are unknown to us. Another portrait of the Indian 
preacher was painted, we think later and by another artist, 
though it may have been at the same time and by Chamber- 
lain for aught we can prove to the contrary. This picture was 
presented to him, and brought home to Mohegan. We infer 
from the action of the Earl of Dartmouth in Doctor Whitaker's 
case that he also had this second portrait made, and possibly 
Occom had his choice. It remained at Mohegan hanging in 
his old home, under the care of his kindred, until 1830, when 
it was secured by Miss Sarah L. Huntington. She placed it 
in the hands of John Trumbull, the Connecticut painter, for 
restoration, since which it has been lost to view.^^ Happily 
both these pictures were reproduced; the Chamberlain portrait 
being chiefly known through the excessively rare mezzotint 
published in 1768, and the Mohegan portrait through the lith- 
ographs, two hundred and fifty of which were struck off shortly 
after its recovery, and sold for the benefit of the Indians. ^^ 
The difference between them and all copies made since can 

1* DeForest's Indians of Cotineciicut, Preface, p. x. 

^^ The following pictures of Occom are noted. After the Chamberlain portrait : (i) 
" Mezzotint by [John] Spilsbury after Chamberlain/' Inscribed " The first Indian 
Minister that ever was in Europe, and who accompanied the Rev. N. Whitaker in an 
application to Great Britain for Charities to support ye Rev. Dr. Wheelock's Indian 
Academy, and Missionaries among ye Native Savages of N. America. Published 
according to Act of Parliament, Sept. 20, 1768, by Henry Parker at No. 82. in Corn- 
hill, London." Inscriptions have verbal differences. Early impressions have none, 
as the author's, from which the frontispiece was made. After one of these, belong- 
ing to Samuel G. Drake, several photographs were made by Kimball, Concord, N. H. 
[Ex-Gov. B. F. Prescott : Columbia Town Library] and thus came the painting by U. 
D. Tenney, presented by Governor Prescott to Dartmouth College. This mezzotint 
is a folio, and has been sold as high as two guineas. (2) Engraving, " Ridley & Blood 
Sc — Revd Samson Occom, Indian Preacher. Pub by Williams & Smith Stationers 
Court i»t Ocf 1808." {London Evangelical Magazine, October, 1S08.] Sometimes 
sold with Occom's sermon. After the Mohegan portrait : (i) Lithograph. Inscrip- 
tion : " The Reverend Samson Occom The First Indian Minister that ever was in 


be readily detected. In the Chamberlain portrait the subject 
faces to his right, the uplifted hand is pointing to an open 
folio Bible upright on a table, and there are implements of 
Indian warfare on the wall. In the Mohegan portrait the sub- 
ject faces to his left, the hand rests on an open Bible flat on 
a table before him, and on the wall there is a bookcase, with 
books. The former has the hair flowing back from the fore- 
head, the latter has it parted in the middle. 

It was near the close of the year 1767 when Doctor Whitaker 
and the Indian preacher returned to London. They made 
thereafter some short tours round about. In the spring they 
prepared for the homeward voyage. It has been said that 
there was a disagreement between them, in consequence of 
which they did not return together.^° We have found no evi- 
dence of any personal differences, though Occom probably 
sided with the trustees in their criticism of Doctor Whitaker 
already noted. The latter was doubtless detained by the busi- 
ness. He did not sail until April and then came in a ship to 
New York, reaching Norwich on or about the second of June. 
Occom was ready to depart in March and sailed for Boston 
the latter part of the month in Captain Robert Calef's ship, 
London Packet, which arrived on the twentieth of May.^^ He 
had a stormy passage of eight weeks. Soon after they sailed 
he was taken very ill and for some time he was in a delirium. 

Europe who went to Britain to obtain charities for the support of the Revd Dr 
Wheelocks Indian Accademy & Missionaries among the savages of North America in 
1768." Other copies have " Sampson Occom " and "Academy." The Conn. Hist. 
See. has both. From this lithograph De Forest's cut was made [p. 459] by " N. Orr 
Sc." [See De Forest's Ind. of Conn., Pref., p. x ; Mem. of Mrs. Sarah L. Hunting- 
ton Smith, p. 123.] This is a folio, two hundred and fifty copies being made at the 
expense of Miss Murray of New York about 1831, and perhaps more later. They 
are now scarce. (2) Schoolcraffs Indian Tribes, large edn,, vol. V, p. 518. En- 
graving by Illman & Sons. (3) Picture in India ink, by Edward G. Kunkely, Utica, 
N. Y., in Hamilton College gallery. 

'•^0 Caulkins' Hist, of Norwich, edn. 1845, p. 296. 

'i'^ New London Gazette, 'M.d^y 27,1768; McClure's Mem. of Wheelock, p. 175; 
Narrative, 1769, p. 144. • 



At the end of a month he began to amend and before the 
voyage ended he had quite recovered his strength. So with 
gladness at last he greeted once more his native land, reflect- 
ing on the joy of a safe arrival " at the haven of the New 
Jerusalem." There were then hearty congratulations for him 
in Boston. These he hardly waited to receive. He started 
on horseback the next morning and soon he was again among 
the hills of Mohegan — at home. 



The portrait which an artist puts upon the canvas owes its 
likeness oftentimes to the shadows. It is hardly possible 
that an Indian, with all the defects of his race, could grow to 
the full stature of a civilized man without struggles against 
his hereditary weaknesses. At all events it is the office of 
the historian to set forth the facts without prejudice. Thus 
we are brought to consider the darkest period in Samson 
Occom's life. 

The Indian preacher, whose mission to England had been 
discouraged by most and its full success anticipated by none, 
came back to Mohegan a distinguished character. He had 
won a fame among the whites. Many pulpits, into which he 
would never have been admitted before, were now open to 
him. His own people were brought more than ever under 
his influence. Some of the baser sort were jealous of him ; 
but most of them regarded him with respect and many with 
affection. He was surely the foremost man of their race in 
the colonies. In this situation Occom may have developed 
some pride. His friends had feared he would. Still we fail 
to detect any evidences of it in his extant writings. So far as 
they give us light, the reaction came to him from his personal 
discouragements and his sore disappointment at the sequel of 
his mission to England in behalf of the Indian school. 

The agreement under which Occom had left his family pro- 
vided that they were to be cared for and supported by Doctor 
Wheelock in his absence. The expenses of the missions were 



large, the resources were small. There was, indeed, no stated 
income which could be applied to this purpose. This Indian 
family were by no means forgotten ; but amid his many cares 
Doctor Wheelock was undoubtedly remiss in supplying, 
promptly, their necessities. Mary Occom had to remind him 
of her wants in such words as these : " I am out of Corn and 
have no Money to buy any with and am affraid we shall suffer 
for want." Of this apparent neglect Occom heard on return- 
ing home. His feelings were wounded. The father at Leba- 
non had not dealt kindly by his Indian son. For some time 
he did not go thither to see him. 

Occom also found his family in a distracted state. His wife 
was in poor health ; his children showed the need of paternal 
government. McClure has the following paragraph on this fam- 
ily in his diary : " He appeared to preside in his family with 
dignity & to have his children in subjection. In these, however, 
& in his wife, he was not happy. He wished to live in Eng- 
lish style ; but his Wife who was of the Montauk Tribe re- 
tained a fondness for her Indian customs. She declined, even- 
ing & morning setting at table. Her dress was mostly Indian, 
& when he spake to her in english, she answered in her native 
language, although she could speak good english. His chil- 
dren when they left him, adopted the wild & roving life of 
Savages." There is much truth in this statement, though the 
wife was certainly an estimable Christian woman, and all his 
children did not turn out as indicated. 

Occom had then seven children, ranging from sixteen to 
three years of age, as follows : Mary, Aaron, Tabitha, Olive, 
Christiana, Talitha and Benoni. Three others, at least, were 
afterwards born to him : Theodosia, Lemuel Fowler and An- 
drew Gifford. As a father he was always affectionate, and 
anxious that his children should rise above the Indian's 
estate and enter useful lives. Some of them did so, but others 
brought him, as he afterwards wrote, " sorrow on sorrow." We 


have an instance of his playfulness — the only one we have 
met with — in a letter which he wrote from England. As such 
it is worth recording : 

My dear Mary and Esther — 

Perhaps you may query whether I am well : I came from home well, was 
by the way well, got over well, am received at London well, and am treated 
extremely well, — yea, I am caress'd too well. And do you pray that I may 
be well; and that I may do well, and in Time return Home well. And I 
hope you are well, and wish you well, and as I think you begun well, so 
keep on well, that you may end well and then all will be well. 

And So Farewell, 
Samson Occom.i 

The eldest son, Aaron, had been a second time put under 
Doctor Wheelock's care in the father's absence. He had, 
however, no particular interest in obtaining an education and 
was inclined to be wild. He did not behave well in the school, 
and the minister was compelled to write the father about him. 
The reply betrays Occom's disappointment : " If he Inclines 
to Book Learning, give him a good English Education, but if 
not, let him go to some good master to Learn [the] Joiners 
Trade if he Inclines to that, and if that Won't do Send him 
over to me and I will give him away to some gentlemen here."^ 
In this same letter he expressed the fear that his peregrina- 
tions had compelled him to neglect his children. Their train- 
ing had been left to his wife and they needed a father's 
restraint. This son continued to be somewhat wayward. He 
married at eighteen Ann Robin, a daughter of Samuel, an 
adopted Indian from Middletown, and died in February, 1771, 
leaving a posthumous son named Aaron. The conduct of 
this son was a trial Occom had to meet when he returned from 
England. Yet he had been a faithful father. His letters con- 

^Caulkins' //zj/. (j/A'iprtwV//, p. 465. Miss Caulkins says this was written to his 
two daughters. We know no daughter Esther, and think she was a cousin or friend 
of Mary. 

2 Wheelock Papers, Lett. Feb. 12, 1767 ; see also Mary Occom to Wheelock, Nov. 


tain such tender words as these to his children : " Remember 
wherever you are, you are in the presence of that God that 
made you and to him you must give an account of your con- 
duct and remember the Day of your Death is hastening." 

There were also many perplexities and cares awaiting him 
at Mohegan. His house had never been thoroughly com- 
pleted. It was necessary that he should at once bring his 
acres under proper cultivation for the support of his family. 
Indeed, the main question was what he should do for a living. 
He was again out of employment. The work which he desired 
to undertake was that of a general missionary to the New Eng- 
land tribe.s. For this he was preeminently fitted. He had rel- 
atives or friends in most of the Indian settlements there- 
abouts. This was the work, it will be remembered, which he 
had begun under the commissioners when he was called off to 
serve under the -Connecticut correspondents. But he could 
not now return to^this, for the commissioners had been of- 
fended by his going to England, as we have related. The cor- 
respondents had been superseded by the English trustees. 
They took up no new work and in 1769 ceased to meet. More- 
over, Doctor Wheelock refused to support him in such a work, 
because missions among the seacoast tribes were under the 
jurisdiction of the commissioners at Boston.^ The only ser- 
vice which was offered him was a mission westward to the 
Onondagas, which Doctor Wheelock repeatedly urged upon 
him. This would take him away from his family. He felt 
that it was his duty to remain with them more than he had ; 
they needed his care and training. Still, there were other rea- 
sons for declining this mission, as will presently appear. These 
Doctor Wheelock did not then understand and hence he mis- 
judged Occom. He wrote of him thus to Whitefield : " He 
is averse to seek any settlement more convenient for future 
usefulness y" at Mohegan — He consents to take a tour into 

^Wheelock Pajiers, Letts, Jan. 8, 1770, and June 20, 1771. 


y^ wilderness y' season. What he will do for future support I 
cant tell — There is no probability y* y"" Boston Commissioners 
will do anything for him — I suspect his principal dependence 
is upon y^ tillage of his lands. I am fully convinced y* God 
does not design, y* Indians shall have y'' lead in y' affair at 
present."* The sum of the matter was, therefore, that Samson 
Occom, at a time when he had most reason to expect some 
consideration on account of his services, was stranded at 
Mohegan. He had left every other employment to obey his 
patron, and having been used to his advantage, he w^as dis- 
charged. So the Indian viewed the situation. Whitefield 
had told him, he said, that "they had made him a tool to col- 
lect monies for them in England, but when he got to America 
they would set him adrift." It is unnecessary to say that 
Doctor Wheelock had no such intention. He thought for 
some time that Occom had an annual pension from England. 
This was not the fact. He had only received several private 
gifts from Mr. Thornton, who, after the Trust had ceased, 
wrote Occom that he might draw on him for ;^5o, if he was at 
any time in distress. When the trustees in England learned 
how matters stood, they openly declared that Occom had been 
ill-treated. In 1772 they wrote him to draw for ;^5o at once, 
and for £2^ every six months or for ;^5o annually during 
their pleasure.^ The Scotch Society also made him a grant. 
At this time Doctor Wheelock had begun to see the other 
side of the case. His trusted pupil, David McClure, visited 
Occom, learned the situation, and wrote thus to his patron : 
" Before he went to England, he was under the pay of the 
Boston board, and since his return has been rejected by them 
and by the School too. And considering what Indian Genius 
& temper are, has there not, Sir, been too much occasion for 

*Wheelock Papers, Lett. April 24, 1769. 

^Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers, Lett. Thornton to Occom, May 12, 1772; 
Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll, p. 243. 


him to complain of neglect?"^ Thus, after four years, this 
cause for ill-feeling was in a measure removed. 

This, however, was not the only reason why the friendly re- 
lations of many years between Wheelock and Occom were dis- 
turbed. When the Indian returned from England he found 
his patron wholly engaged in his scheme for the removal of the 
Indian Charity School. Of this movement the historian of 
Dartmouth College has given an admirable account.^ So early 
as 1 76 1, Doctor Wheelock had conceived the idea of locating 
nearer the Indian tribes westward. He wrote Sir William John- 
son in 1762, as follows : " If way could be made for setting up 
this school in some convenient place and the settlement of 
three or four Towns round about it, I would remove with it and 
bring several Ministers*with me of the best character and take 
care to people the place with Inhabitants of known honesty, 
Integrity and such as love Indians and will seek their Inter- 
est." Here in the germ was his plan, designated the year fol- 
lowing, in his plea to the Privy Council for a charter, as " A 
Proposal for Introducing Religion, Learning, Agriculture and 
Manufacture among the Pagans in America." The place then 
in view was on the Susquehanna river. Sir William Johnson 
was even then opposed to a removal among the Six Nations. 
He would have been intensely hostile to it later, and this was 
reason enough why a location, favored by both Kirkland and 
Occom, was impracticable. Various propositions were made 
to Doctor Wheelock, from Albany, Stockbridge, Hebron and 
other places ; but the most advantageous was of a tract of land 
in the western part of the Province of New Hampshire. The 
formation of the Board of Trust in England to hold the funds 
there collected, was a fatal blow to all hopes of a royal char- 
ter, for the trustees were opposed, but they finally consented 
to the removal, and, on the 3d of April, 1769, approved the 

'■■ Wheelock Papers, Lett. June 30, 1772. 

■ Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., pp. 32-35, 46, 90 ff,2i7 ft". 


location. This was not Occom's affair. He had, however, 
while in England, declared his judgment in favor of remaining 
at Lebanon, where the school was near the New England In- 
dians. On his return he expressed the opinion that, if the 
school removed, it should be to a location in the midst of the 
Indians of the Oneida country. He feared, long before the 
result was apparent, that a college in " the woods of Coos " 
would be no advantage to the Indians for whom all the money 
had been collected. Still, it was not so much the removal that 
he opposed as the alteration in Dr. Wheelock's plan, to educate 
more white missionaries and fewer Indians. To this change 
Occom was never reconciled. It seems that when he had left 
England, the trustees, who had great c^onfidence in him, *' en- 
gaged him to write particularly of the school and the disposal 
of the moneys collected in England."^ He did not wish to do 
so, but they insisted. Yet it was some time before he \Orote 
at all, which his patron attributed to neglect. In 1770 David 
McClure visited Mohegan and found out the reason, which he 
stated as follows : " If he wrote he must not be silent concern- 
ing the state of the school as friends there w'd expect that 
from him if he wrote, and as the school is at present consti- 
tuted he imagined an account of it would not be agreeable to 
gentlemen at home nor answer their expectations. He com- 
plained, but in a friendly manner, that the Indian was con- 
verted into an English School and that the English had 
crowded out the Indian youth. He instanced one Symons a 
likely Indian who came to get admittance but could not be ad- 
mitted because the school was full. He supposed that the 
gentlemen in England thought the School at present was made 
up chiefly of Indian youth, and that should he write and in- 
form them to the contrary, as he must if he wrote, it would give 
them a disgust and jealousy that the charities were not ap- 
plied in a way agreeable to the intention of the donors and 

^ Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., p. 63 n. 


benefactors, which was to educate Indians chiefly."^ Some 
correspondence ensued between Wheelock and Occom on this 
point. The latter wrote thus : " In my apprehension your 
present plan is not calculated to benefit the poor Indians, it 
is no ways winning to them and unless there is an alterative 
suitable to the minds of the Indians you will never do much 
more good among the Indians : your First Plan was much bet- 
ter than the last, you did much good in it and if you rightly 
managed the Indians your Institution would have flourished 
by this Time."^° When Doctor Wheelock expressed to him 
the hope that he would see many of his "tawny" brethren 
nourished in that Alma Mater, the Indian replied: "I am 
very jealous that instead of your institution becoming Alma 
Mater to my brethren, she will be too Alba Mater to nourish 
the tawnies."^^ He was besought by his patron "if he did 
not favor the institution, not to harm it, as he well knew no 
one could do it so much harm as he should he attempt it." 
For some time Occom did maintain a friendly silence. He 
was compelled at length to disclose his feelings to friends in 
England. The charge that the funds had been perverted was 
to such an extent current in 1771, that Doctor Wheelock was 
forced to make answer in his narrative. ^^ He certainly did 
not intend to divert funds contributed for the Indians ; but he 
thought they would be profited most by the education of white 
missionaries. Such was his reply. Still, Occom was never 
persuaded to alter his opinion. Several years after Doctor 
Wheelock's death, he wrote thus : " Doc'^ Wheelock's Indian 
Academy or Schools are become altogether unprofitable to the 
poor Indians. In short, he has done little or no good to the 
Indians with all that money we collected in England since we 

"^Wheelock Papers, Lett. McCliire to Wheelock, May 21, 1770. 
"^^ Ibid., Lett. June i, 1773. 

^' Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers a.nd " Havermeyer Letter," Occom to Wheelock, 
July 24, 1 771, Dartmouth College. 
J2 Wheelock's Narrative, 1771, p. 18. 


got home. That money never educated but one Indian and 
one Mollatoe — that is part Negro and part Indian — and there 
has not been one Indian in that Institution this some time."^* 
This was not exactly the truth. Such, however, was Occom's 
opinion — the funds had been perverted. 

Why had this teacher, who had once considered the Chris- 
tianizing of Indians by Indians so important, now come to 
place his hope in white missionaries ? He had lost confidence 
in his Christian Indians. Some of his pupils had apostatized 
or lapsed into the evil habits of their race. At the same time 
it came to pass that they lost confidence in him. His intiu-. 
ence over the tribes he had befriended was impaired. When 
they came to suspect that he had cast them off, his chances 
of prosecuting missions among them or gathering their chil- 
dren in his school, were gone. He had held his scholars by 
his personal, fatherly interest in them ; but the bond was 
broken between the father and his children. It was never re- 
stored. The decline of the Indian Charity School was not 
caused by its removal. It had received its death-blow the 
year before that matter was finally decided. Its founder was 
right in thinking that a good foundation, with lands and 
friendly whites round about, were favorable conditions. He 
might have recovered what he had lost by locating among the 
Six Nations ; but that is uncertain. The enlargement of the 
school into a college, and the broadening of its purpose to edu- 
cate more white youth, were not necessarily fatal departures. 
It had always professed to exist in part for such pupils. This 
institution, which had attained an honorable fame, lost within 
a year its esprit de corps as an Indian school. It was the mis- 
fortune rather than the fault of its noble founder. 

Samson Occom had been at home only a few weeks when 
he received a visit from a company of Oneida Indians. He 
had then from Deacon Thomas, their leader, a true account of 

'' Conn. Hist. Soc, Indiaii Papers. 


the Western missions. Troubles had arisen which he then saw 
would lead to their utter collapse. This was the reason, already 
hinted at, why he would not accept the offer of a mission to the 
Onondagas. The Indians told him about the behavior of Doc- 
tor VVheelock's eldest son, Ralph, who had only lately returned 
from his third and most fatal journey westward in behalf of his 
father. ^^ It was a mistake to send this " imprudent, domineer- 
ing and irascible " young man on business so important. His 
conduct toward Kirkland had been very offensive. When the 
missionary that spring had broken down in health and retired 
for a time from his work, Ralph Wheelock had accused him 
to the Indians of running away. They had nobly defended 
him. He was their beloved father. This was the reply they 
received from his lordship: "Who do you think your father 
is ? Do you think his power and authority are equal to mine ? 
He is no more than my father's servant, and so are all those 
ministers and schoolmasters he sends here." Was it likely 
that the Indians would be favorably disposed toward this 
young Rehoboam who announced that he was to be his father's 
successor? He went on to Onondaga, and there had a high- 
voiced quarrel in their council-house. Can any one wonder 
that Occom did not wish to carry the gospel under the pat- 
ronage of Doctor Wheelock to this mortally offended tribe.^ The 
son made garbled reports of his journeys to his father, so the 
real state of affairs was not known for some time. Another 
mistake was made when Doctor Wheelock sent back with these 

H Ralph Wlieelock, born in 1746, graduated at Vale College in 1765, and became for 
nearly two years the master of the Indian school. He made three journeys westward 
in behalf of the missions, the first July 11, 1766, with Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy ; the 
second with Augustine Hibbard, about Sept. i, 1767 \_Narr., 1769, pp. 29-36], and 
the third with Allyn Mather, from March 7, 176S, to April 29,1768 \^Narr.^ 1769, 
pp. 44-54]. In 1770 he was a tutor at Dartmouth College. His health was impaired 
by epilepsy, and he was thought to be irresponsible in part for the trouble he caused. 
Subsequent attempts to heal the disaffection of the Indians failed. [See Avery's 
MS. Reports, Dart. Coll., Oct. i, 1771, and May 31, 1772.] Ralph Wheelock died 
at Hanover. Feb. 7. 18 17. 
I :: 


Oneidas as his envoy to the Indian congress about to meet at 
Canajoharie, Rev. Jacob W. Johnson, of Groton. He had no 
experience, and was not qualified for a diplomatist. In the 
course of his negotiations he made a breach between Doctor 
Wheelock and Sir William Johnson, who was all but an Indian 
emperor. ^^ What favor could the Indian Charity School expect 
thereafter ? So in the storm of a season its hopes were swept 
away. The Oneidas came again in a few months to Lebanon 
and took home their children. Several remaining Mohawks 
were sent for. The New England Indians seem to have been 
no longer wanted. The springs had dried up. 

All these discouraging circumstances prepared the way for 
the so-called fall of Samson Occom. He was disheartened. 
The dreams of many an hour abroad had vanished. In the 
autumn of 1768 he was taken sick, and for a long time was in 
poor health. As he could, he went hither and thither among 
the New England Indians without commission or support. 
Some time in the month of February following he was overcome 
on an occasion with strong drink. The circumstances of this 
fall are unknown to us. It happened shortly after a second 
visit of the Oneida chiefs, when they came to take home their 
children. Our earliest information is derived from the letters 
of Doctor Wheelock, who wrote of the fact to Occom's friends. 
In a letter to Whitefield, on the 24th of April, he said : " God 
has left him to fall into Intemperance (I hope in Great Mercy 
to him) he appears considerably humble." ^*^ Much to Doctor 
Wheelock's regret, it seems from the same letter, he was not 
humble enough to accept a mission to the Onondagas, for 
which he still thought him fit. Most writers who have noticed 
the career of Occom have made much of this matter. Some 

15 Rev. Jacob W. Johnson was then the minister at Groton [Ledyard], where he 
had ministered some to the Mushantuxet Pequots. See on his Hfe Dexter's Vale 
Biographies, I, 649-651 ; Chase's Hist. Dart. Coll., pp. 79-84; and Doc. Hist, of N. ¥., 
IV, 244-250. 

1" IV/ieeloc/c Papers, -Lett. April 24, 1769. See also letter of March 9, 1769. 


have thought it an important argument against attempts to 
civilize the Indian that this man, "the glory of his race," suf- 
fered a fall.^^ The drinking customs of the time being what 
they were, it cannot be thought strange if an Indian took 
enough liquor in a few instances to feel the effect of it. 
If he had not taken any it would have been stranger. He 
would doubtless have been the sole clerical representative of a 
total abstinence party in Connecticut. Occom was in truth 
greatly humbled. He made known his fault at once to his 
friends, and was far more concerned about himself than they 
were. The most remarkable feature of the case was, that he 
.accused himself before the Suffolk Presbytery. K copy of his 
confession is extant, in which he says: "I have been shame- 
fully overtaken with strong drink, by which I have greatly 
wounded the cause of God, blemished the pure religion of 
Jesus Christ, blackened my own character and hurt my own 
soul."^^ This is how it came to pass that "his intemperance 
drew upon him the discipline of the Church." Let us see what 
this ecclesiastical body thought of this terrible fall : 

In the Presbytery of Suffolk at Easthampton, April 12, 1769. . . . 
The Presbytery received a Letter from Mr. Occom in which he accuses him- 
self of having been guilty of intemperate drinking, for which he very highly 
condemns himself; and at the same Time understood that a Report had 
become Publick. The Presbytery entered upon Consideration of the Mat- 
ter, and from the best Light they can now obtain are of the Opinion that 
said Accusation arises from a very gloomy and desponding Frame of Mind, 
under which they are informed that Mr. Occom has, for some time Past 
laboured ; and do therefore refer the further Consideration of this Matter 

1' " There has never been a more idle scheme of philanthropy, than that of convert- 
ing a savage into a civilized man. No one attempt, it is believed, has ever been suc- 
cessful. Even Sampson Occum, before his death relapsed into some of the worst 
habits of his tribe ; and no North American Indian of unmixed blood, whatever pains 
may have been taken with his education, has been known to adopt the manners of 
civilized men, or to pass his life among them."— Spark's Life of John Ledyard, Am. 
Biog., XXIV, 91. See also. Prime's Hist, of Long Islattd, p. no, and Sprague's An- 
nals, III, 194. Sprague follows Prime in erroneously giving the date as 1764. 

^* Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers ; Sprague's Antta/s, III, 194. 


to our next session of Presbytery, desiring Mr. Buell in the Mean Time to 
obtain all possable Intelligence with respect to s^. Affair, & make report 
thereof at our next Session. 

In the Presbytery of Suffolk at Bridge Hampton, November i, 1769. 
, . , The Presbytery next entered upon the Consideration of Mr. Oc- 
com's Affair, which on reading the Minutes of last session of Presbytery, 
we find refered to this. Mr. Occom being now present was very particu- 
larly examined by the Presbytery with respect to all the Circumstances of 
s<'. Affair, and Mr. Puell having reported to the Presbytery the Intelligence 
he had obtained relating thereto. The Presbytery are fully of Opinion that 
all the Sensations of Intoxication, which he condemned himself for arose, 
not from any Degree of intemperate drinking, but from having Drank a 
small Quantity of Spirituous Liquor after having been all day without 

This record is very remarkable ; first, in that a minister con- 
fessed at all, and second, in that,-having confessed, he was 
acquitted. The reader who has looked over the ministerial 
rum-accounts of those days, will wonder whether the other 
members of the Suffolk Presbytery would have dared to take 
such a risk. Had the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, D. D., never 
had any such "sensations'*? He paid for a considerable 
quantity of spirituous liquor. What a unique case ! Occom 
accused himself, was examined, and pronounced not guilty ! 
These interesting points are brought out, — he had been for 
some time in "a very gloomy and desponding frame of mind," 
he had been on the occasion " all day without food," and he 
had not indulged in '^' intemperate drinking." If this were all, 
the case would be closed. Doctor Wheelock, however, in his 
letters, says that again, in the summer of 1770, Occom had a 
" Second grievious fall into the sin of intemperance," and in a 
•'public and agravated manner," the report of which " spread 
far and wide."^*^ The report went to England in one of these ♦ 
letters to John Thornton, Esq., the Indian's true friend. This 
benevolent gentleman made a reply, which could not have been 

'•' MS. Rec. Suffolk Presbytery. 

•-:" Wheelock Papers, Letts. Nov. 9. 1770, and June 20. 1771. 


altogether agreeable to Doctor VVheelock. " I was grieved," he 
wrote, "at what I heard of Mr. Occom. Indeed, I fear he had 
hard usage and that drove him into the horrid sin of drinking. 
Pray my dear Sir, use him tenderly, for 1 am much mistaken 
if his heart is not right with God."^^ David McClure made a 
somewhat similar remark, when he suggested to Doctor Whee- 
lock that Occom had been neglected. "The Crimes of intem- 
perance," he wrote, "with which he has been charged are very 
much extenuated by the temptations he was under." ^'^ The 
Lebanon minister has left no evidence, unfortunately, that he 
did deal tenderly with the Indian in this matter. He wrote him 
reproachful letters, he magnified his fault, and himself spread 
the report of it. This was his excuse — he had, the year be- 
fore, lost faith in some of his boy schoolmasters for the same 
reason, and was easily persuaded that there was no good in 
them. Occom's fall was his final reason for turning to the 

We do not know that this Indian minister was ever again 
guilty of taking too much spirituous liquor, though he often 
went all day without food. He certainly was never in the 
habit of drinking. He says " he was too poor to provide for 
his family anything but the plainest food and they drank only 
cold water with occasionally a little beer." He did not "re- 
lapse into some of the worst habits of his tribe," as has been 
charged. The suspicion, however, followed him to the close 
of his life. It is known that his enemies kept it alive. Years 
afterwards,- when he was ministering to his Indian church in 
New Stockbridge, this report seems to have come to the notice 
of the Presbytery of Albany, of which he was then a member. 
"March ist 1791 a letter was sent to Mr. Occom requiring 
him to state his reasons for not attending Presbytery and he 
was warned that in case of failure his name would be striken 

21 Wheelock Papers, Lett. April 26, 1771. 
2- Ibid., Lett. June ^o, 1772. 


from the roll." ^^ His reason was that he was too poor to make 
the long journey. But this action probably concealed an in- 
quiry into rumors which had reached them concerning his 
intemperance. We find in the manuscript diary of Samuel 
Kirkland, under date August lo, 1791, the following entry: 
"Visited by Rev"^ Mr. Lindley member of the Presbytery of 
Albany, who was sent by that body to enquire into some in- 
stances of misconduct reported concerning Mr. Occom : par- 
ticularly the sin which most easily besets poor Indians." "^ A 
thorough inquiry was made into this matter by Mr. Lindley on 
the ground, but he found nothing to report at all detrimental 
to Mr. Occom ; and on the eighth of September the Presbytery 
gave assurances of their confidence in him, by directing his 
ministrations in his little church among the Indians. We have 
some light on this case in this characteristic of the man — he 
was given to humiliations by his temperament. If on any 
occasion his conscience smote him for misconduct, which 
others less sensitive would have passed by, he thought it mete 
to shrive his soul in confession. In " despondencies, discom- 
forts and almost desperations," he says, he thus found some 
peace and resignation to the will of God. Thus in the disci- 
pline of humility he strove to subdue that Indian nature which 
he was always conscious of possessing. There are abundant 
evidences of his victory, and testimonials of his subsequent 
good character. ''In his latter years his life is said to have 
been entirely exemplary." ^^ 

Here is the lesson which the history of Indian -civilization 
so clearly teaches. The curse of the race is rum. In those 
days of old, when drinking was a universal custom, the Indian 
was unintentionally tempted by his friends. He could not be 
a moderate drinker — it was a constitutional impossibility. 

^3 MS. Records of Pres. of Albany. 

"^^ MS. Diary of Kirkland, in possession of Mr. Thornton K. Lothrop. 

^5 Sprague's Annals, III, 194, 195. 


The white man could take his dram three times a day and be 
sober ; when the Indian took it once his blood was set on fire. 
VVe shall see how this experience of Samson Occom prepared 
him to preach the greatest temperance sermon ever delivered 
to the Indian race. 

The dark days at Mohegan passed away. The Indian rr;in- 
ister's friends across the sea still had confidence in him. Their 
letters greatly cheered him. When they learned of his straits 
they generously came to his assistance. The faith of his old 
patron was restored. Doctor Wheelock saw afterwards that 
he had been so depressed over the young prodigal, Joseph 
Johnson, that he had quite forgotten the elder son, David Fow- 
ler, and his brother Jacob, too, who had stood amid all dis- 
couragements. One of the fruits of Occom's labors at Mohe- 
gan in those dark days was a revival among the Indians there- 
abouts in which this prodigal came home. As Occom ministered 
there, possibly to a church he had formed,-^ there was an 
awakening of new life. Meetings were held in other Indian 
settlements. Rev. Samuel Ashbow, himself, we suspect, 
restored to a sober life, was a prominent exhorter in them — 
preaching with vigor on "The voice in the wilderness," and 
"inviting all to set their minds heavenward." Some of the 
converts were old pupils in the Lebanon school. Joseph 
Johnson, since his desertion of the cause in the autumn of 
1768, had led an abandoned life. In the winter following he 
was at Providence. '^^ Then he went on a whaling voyage — 
" wandering up and down in this delusive world." He visited 
the West Indies and other distant parts. At last he returned 
to Mohegan, being then only twenty-one years of age. Here 
he worked for a year on the lands of his uncle, Zachary John- 

2" Occom makes references to certain Indians as church-members, who were not 
connected with the North Church of New London. Henry Quaquaquid is called a 
"deacon." We find no records of such a church. It probably did not survive long. 

-'Dartmouth College Library has his Prayer-Book [Lawrence Classe, 1715] 
inscribed with his name and the address " Providence Dec. 28, 1768." 

1 68 SAMSOA' O ceo AT 

son, with whom his sister also lived. He was one of the first 
to be awakened in this religious interest. On the thirteenth of 
November, 1771, he tells us, he turned anew to the Scriptures 
and began to call on the name of the Lord."^^ So he returned 
to the life he had been taught to live in the Indian Charity 
School. His spiritual father, who was so distressed by his fall, 
lived to see him approved as a missionary to the Indians and 
to mourn his early death. 

The sorrowful experience which Doctor Wheelock had with 
his Indian pupils was nothing new. John Eliot had similar 
discouragements. Wherever since Indian missions have been 
attempted, some who have been well-instructed and have 
promised allegiance to the Christian religion, have been swept 
away by the temptations of Indian life. The subsequent envi- 
ronment of the educated Indian has never been enough con- 
sidered. At the same time it is true that the good seed has 
not utterly perished, even though it has seemed to fail. After 
the Hood has passed, the shoots have become green again and 
they have grown to a harvest. 

2** Wheelock Papers. Fragmentary account of his life. See Allen's Biog. Diet. 


occOxM's sermon, hymns and hymn book 


An unusual congregation was gathered on the second of 
September, 1772, in the brick meeting-house of the FirstChurch 
in New Haven. The occasion was the preaching of a sermon 
by Rev. Samson Occom at the request of Moses Paul, an 
Indian, who on that day was to be executed for murder. 
Although the weather was very stormy, the place was crowded 
to its utmost capacity. As there had not been a hanging in 
that town for twenty-three years, the event was somewhat 
novel ; but many had come expecting to hear from the dis- 
tinguished Indian preacher a sermon to his race appropriate to 
such a solemn day. Lawyers and judges were present, having 
more than a professional interest in the case. Ministers had 
gathered from all the region round about. But most conspic- 
uous in the assembly were the Indians, who had come from 
great distances and all quarters. It was, in fact, the cause of 
a general meeting of representatives from the decaying tribes 
of southern New England, and the last, as though they had 
come to attend the funeral of their race. Surely the event was 
appropriate for such a service — the execution of an Indian 
who had committed murder in his drunkenness — for rum more 
than war or pestilence had wasted them to pitiful numbers. 

Moses Paul was born at Barnstable, Mass., in 1742, whither 
his parents had come from Martha's Vineyard. His father 
died in 1745, at the siege of Louisburg, and the widowed 
mother had been one of the Christian Indians who attended 
the Barnstable church. When Moses was five years old he 



was bound out as an apprentice to Mr. John Manning of 
Windham, Conn., who gave him good instruction in religion. 
In due time he enlisted and served, in Israel Putnam's com- 
pany in the French and Indian war. Afterwards he was a 
sailor on a man-of-war ship and in the merchant service for 
several years. At last, wearying of this employment, he 
returned to Connecticut and led an idle, vagabond life. The 
crime for which he was to be hanged was committed Decem- 
ber 7, 1771, at Clark's tavern in Bethany. A contemporary 
newspaper gives the following account : 

New Haven, Dec. 9. — I>ast Saturday evening Mr. Moses Cook, of 
Waterbury, being at Mr. Clark's tavern in Bethany, where there was an 
Indian named Moses Paul, who had behaved so disorderly (on Mrs. Clark's 
refusing to let him have a dram) that he was turned out of doors, when he 
swore to be fevenged on some one person in the house ; and Mr. Cook 
going out soon after, received from the Indian (who 'tis supposed lay in 
wait near the house, in order to put his threat in execution) a violent blow 
on his head, with some weapon, that broke his scull ni so terrible a manner, 
that he died of the wound last night. The Indian was apprehended and 
conmiitted to the gaol in this town last Sunday. ^ 

The Indian was tried in the Superior Court at New Haven, 
found guilty and sentenced to be hanged. During his impris- 
onment he received faithful ministrations from the ministers 
of the town; but he naturally turned to the man of his own 
race upon whom the Indians generally had come to look as 
their friend in trouble. Some time before the execution day 
it was known that Occom would preach the sermon according 
to an ancient custom. So the throng had gathered out of curi- 
osity or to hear him — a solemn congregation within the meet- 
ing-house and a crowd without. The condemned man, sur- 
rounded by his guards, was brought into his presence and the 
service began. Occom took for his text the words "For the 
wages of sin is death ; but the gift of God is eternal life 

1 New London Gazette, Dec. 20, 1771. Moses Cook was the eldest son of Samuel 
Cook of Wallingford, and a man much respected. Hist. Waterbury I. A pp. p. 40. 


through Jesus Christ our Lord " [Rom. 6 : 23]. After devel- 
oping the two propositions, "that sin is the cause of all the 
miseries that befall the children of men, both as to their bodies 
and souls for time and eternity," and "that eternal life and 
happiness is the free gift of God, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord," he addressed in turn the criminal, the ministers and 
the assembled Indians. His words to his own people are per- 
tinent to our study. For that reason and because they fur- 
nish us a good example of his composition they are given in 

My poor kindred, 

You see the vvoful consequences of sin, by seeing this our poor miserable 
country-man now before us, who is to die this day for his sins and great 
wickedness. And it was the sin of drunkenness that has brought this de- 
struction and untimely death upon him. There is a dreadful woe denounced 
from the Almighty against drunkards: and it is this sin, this abominable, 
this beastly and accursed sin of drunkenness, that has stript us of every 
desirable comfort in this life; by this we are poor, miserable and wretched; 
by this sin we have no name nor credit in the world among polite nations; 
for this sin we are despised in the world, and it is all right and just, for we 
despise ourselves more, and if we do not regard ourselves, who will regard 
us .'' And it is for our sins, and especially for that accursed, that most hateful 
sin of drunkenness that we suffer every day. For the love of strong drink 
we spend all that we have, and every thing we can get. By this sin we can- 
not have comfortable houses, nor any thing comfortable in our houses ; 
neither food nor raiment, nor decent utensils. We are obliged to put up 
any sort of shelter just to screen us from the severity of the weather; and 
we go about with very mean, ragged and dirty clothes, almost naked. And 
we are half starved, for most of the time obliged to pick up any thing to 
eat. And our poor children are suffering every day for want of the neces- 
saries of life ; they are very often crying for want of food, and we have 
nothing to give them ; and in the cold weather they are shivering and cry- 
ing, being pinched with the cold— All this is for the love of strong drink. 
And this is not all the misery and evil we bring on ourselves in this world; 
but when we are intoxicated with strong drink, we drown our rational pow- 
ers, by which we are distinguished from the brutal creation; we unman our- 
selves, and bring ourselves not only level with the beasts of the field, but 
seven degrees beneath them; yea, we bring ourselves level with the devils; 
I do not know but we make ourselves worse than the devils, for I never 
heard of drunken devils. 


My poor kindred, do consider what a dreadful abominable sin drunken- 
ness is. God made us men, and we chuse to be beasts and devils; God 
made us rational creatures, and we chuse to be fools. Do consider further, 
and behold a drunkard, and see how he looks, when he has drowned his 
reason; how deformed and shameful does he appear? He disfigures every 
part of him, both soul and body, which was made after the image of God. 
He appears with awful deformity, and his whole visage is disfigured; if he 
attempts to speak he cannot bring out his words distinct, so as to be under- 
stood; if he walks he reels and staggers to and fro, and tumbles down. 
And see how he behaves, he is now laughing, and then he is crying ; he is 
singing, and the next minute he is mourning; and is all love to every one, 
and anon he is raging, and for fighting, and killing all before him, even the 
nearest and the dearest relations and friends : Yea nothing is too bad for a 
drunken man to do. He will do that which he would not do for the world, 
in his right mind. 

Further, when a person is drunk, he is just good for nothing in the world ; 
he is of no service to himself, to his family, to his neighbours, or his coun- 
try ; and how much more unfit is he to serve God : yet he is just as fit for 
the service of the devil. 

Again, a man in drunkenness is in all manner of dangers, he may be killed 
by his fellow-men, by wild beasts, and tame beasts; he may fall into the 
fire, into the water, or into a ditch ; or he may fall down as he walks along, 
and break his bones or his neck ; he may cut himself with edge tools. 
Further if he has any money or any thing valuable, he may lose it all, or 
may be robbed, or he may make a foolish bargain, and be cheated out of 
all he has. 

I believe you know the truth of what I have just now said, many of you, 
by sad experience ; yet you will go on still in your drunkenness. Though you 
have been cheated over and over again, and you have lost your substance by 
drunkenness, yet you will venture to go on in this most destructive sin. O 
fools when will ye be wise t We all know the truth of what I have been say- 
ing, by what we have seen and heard of drunken deaths. How many have 
been drowned in our rivers, and how many have been frozen to death in the 
winter seasons ! yet drunkards go on without fear and consideration : alas, 
alas ! What will become of all such drunkards? Without doubt they must 
all go to hell, except they truly repent and turn to God. Drunkenness is 
so common amongst us, that even our young men and young women are 
not ashamed to get drunk. Our young men will get drunk as soon as they 
will eat when they are hungry. It is generally esteemed amongst men, 
more abominable for a woman to be drunk than a man ; and yet there is 
nothing more common amongst us than female drunkards. Women ought 
to be more modest than men; the holy scriptures recommend modesty to 
women in particular: but drunken women have no modesty at all. It is 


more intolerable for a woman to get drunk, if, we consider further, that she 
IS in great danger of falling into the hands of the sons of l^elial, or wicked 
men, and bein^j shamefully treated by them. 

And here I cannot but observe, we find in sacred writ, a woe denounced 
against men, who put their bottles to their neighbours mouth to make them 
drunk, that they may see their nakedness : and no doubt there are such 
devilish men now in our day, as there were in the days of old. 

And to conclude, consider my poor kindred, you that are drunkards, into 
what a miserable condition you have brought yourselves. There is a dread- 
ful woe thundering against you every day, and the Lord says, that drunkards 
shall not inherit the kingdom of God. 

And now let me exhort you all to break off from your drunkenness, by a 
gospel repentance, and believe on the Lord Jesus and you shall be saved. 
Take warning by this doleful sight before us, and by all the dreadful judg- 
ments that have befallen poor drunkards. O let us all reform our lives, 
and live as becomes dying creatures, in time to come. Let us be persuaded 
that we are accountable creatures to God, and we must be called to an ac- 
count in a few days. You that have been careless all your days, now awake 
to righteousness, and be concerned for your poor and never dying souls. 
Fight against all sins, and especially the sin that easily besets you, and be- 
have in time to come as becomes rational creatures; and above all things, 
receive and believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and yau shall have eternal 
life; and when you come to die, your souls will be received into heaven, 
there to be with the Lord Jesus in eternal happiness, and with all the saints 
in glory; which God of his infinite mercy grant, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 

After the service Occom accompanied the condemned man 
to his execution. The following is the newspaper account of 
the affair : 

New Haven, September 4. Last Wednesday, Moses Paul was e.xecuted 
agreeable to his Sentence, about a Mile from this Town. The Rev. Mr. 
Occom, preached a Sermon, previous to the Execution, in the Brick Meet- 
ing House, from Rom. vi. 23, and attended the Criminal to the Place of 
Execution, where he made a short but well adapted Prayer to the Occasion. 
The Criminal behaved with Decency and Steadiness, and appeared to be in 
the Exercise of fervent Prayer all the Way from the Gaol to the Gallows. 
A little while before he was turn'd off he took a most affectionate Leave of 
his Countrymen the Indians, (many of whom were present) and exhorted 
them to shun those Vices to which they are so much addicted, viz. Drunk- 
enness, Revenge &c. He acknowledged that he kill'd Mr. Cook, though 


not with a Flat Iron, as was supposed, but with a Club. Notwithstanding 
the Day was verj' stormy, there was a very great Concourse of People, 
whose Curiosity was as much excited to hear Mr. Occom preach, as to see 
the Execution, altho' there has not been one in this Town since the 
Year 1749.^ 

As to the sermon, it was exceedingly well received and made 
a deep impression. Temperance sermons were scarce in 
those days and in some quarters wholly unknown. In this 
respect it had a unique interest, especially as applicable to the 
Indians. The Coimecticiit Coiwaiit commended its "honest 
simplicity and Gospel sincerity " and of the conclusion said : 
" The Plainness of Speech to his Brother Indians against the 
Sin of Drunkenness is striking, and his address to the Indian 
that was then to be executed very affecting."^ There was at 
once a demand for the publication of the sermon, to which 
Occom reluctantly yielded. The first edition was issued 
October 31, 1772, from the press of Thomas and Samuel 
Green at New Haven. ^ This was soon exhausted. So general 
was the demand that a second edition was issued before 
November thirteenth by Timothy Green of New London, who 
also advertised "the third edition," December fourth, and "the 
fourth edition," January twenty-second following, in the New 
London Gazette. Many other editions were afterwards printed, 
at Hartford, Boston, Salem, Bennington, Vt, Exeter, N. H., 
Springfield, Northampton, and London, England. Thirty-five 
years after Samson Occom's death it was translated into the 
Welsh language and an edition issued at Caernarson, Wales. 
There may have been others which we have not met with or 
seen noted by bibliographers. Surely a sermon which went 
through at least nineteen editions has some claim to fame.*^ Of 

^ New Lojidon Gazette, Sept. 11, 1772. 

3 Conn. Courant, Feb. 9 and 16, 1773- 

* Advertisement in Conn. Courant, Oct. 20 and Nov. 3, 1772. 

5 We note the following editions; (i) New Haven; T. & S. Green, n. d. [Oct., 
1772] 8'^ pp. 32. [Has unabridged preface, and without the " Dialogue'' or sketch 
of Paul.] (2) New London; T.Green, n. d. [Nov., 1772] S" pp. 23 (i). [Has 


course, its Indian authorship and the occasion had more to do 
with its popularity than its homiletic merits. Occom had an 
extensive acquaintance among the English, who were inter- 
ested to procure the only sermon which he had published. So 
far as we know this is the only printed sermon of that time 
preached by an Indian. This is, however, in its simplicity 
and directness, a good illustration of Occom's manner of dis- 
coursing. He never builded any great sermons. In his ordi- 
nary treatment of religious themes, especially in his later years, 
he made use of more similes and stories, interrupting his dis- 
course by such illustrations. To this his popularity was 
largely due, and many people admired these features in him 
who would have disapproved the same in their own minis- 

This tragic incident in the Indian minister's life had a 
decided influence upon him. It quickened his zeal in behalf 
of the degenerate of his race. He labored more industri- 
ously to suppress the traffic in intoxicating liquors among thfe 
Indians, in which he was in advance of his times. More than 

unabridged preface, and without the " DiaIo,s;ue," but has sketch of Paul.] (3) New 
L-ondon ; T. Green, 1772 [Dec], 8" pp. 23 (1). (4) New London; T. Green, 1772, 
S'l pp. 23(1). [Printed in January, 1773, though the date on title-page was un- 
changed.] (5) Hartford; Reprinted and sold by Ebenezer Watson, n. d. [Feb., 
1773] '40 pp. 22 (2). (6) Boston; Printed for and Sold by Seth Adams, Hartford 
Post, 1773, S" PP- 31 (0- (7) Boston; J. Boyles, 1773, ^" PP- Z'^- (^^ Boston; 
'^1Th'> S" pp. '22 (2) [Sabin]. (g) Salem; 1773, 8" pp. 31. (10) Boston; Eldad 
Hunter, 1774, 8'^' pp. 24 [Sabin]. (11) Springfield; Henry Brewer, n. d. 8" pp. 26 
[Sabin]. (12) London; Reprinted, 1788, S'-- pp. 24. [With Edwards's "Observa- 
tions on the Language of the Muhhekaneew Indians." Has " Advertisement " by 
L Rippon, preface abridged, " Difiiogue " and appendix on Samuel Kirkland.J (13) 
London ; Reprinted 1789, 8° pp. 24. [Like preceding, except that the error in date 
of Occom's visit to England, given as 1776 and 1777, is corrected.] (14) Bennington : 
William Watson, n. d. So pp. 14 (i). [Sabin.] (15) N. P. 178-, 8- pp. 24. [Sabin.] 
(16) Northampton; t8oi, 8". [Brinley Coll. No. 5478.] (17) Exeter; Printed for 
Josiah Richardson, the Lord's Messenger to the People, 1819, 12" pp. 22. (18) 
" Indian Eloquence, A Sermon, etc.," n. p. Reprinted July 17, 1820, 80 pp. 24. (19) 
Caernarson : Argraphwyd gan L. E. Jones, Dros Evan Evans, 1827, sm. 8" pp. 44. 
[Reprinted from London edition of 1788. A copy was presented to the Conn. Hist. 
Soc. in 1896, by B. F. Lewis, Utica, N. Y. See Utica Herald, Jan. 14, 1896.] 


ever before he felt his own responsibility as their representa- 
tive, and realized that nothing remained in New England for 
his people except to decline under the terrible sway of vice 
and finally die amid the graves of their fathers. 

We may as well just here make record of this Indian's 
opinion as to slavery. At that time most wealthy families in 
New England held slaves. The ministers very commonly had 
one or more blacks as servants in their households, and the 
servant class being then small they could hardly do without 
them. Doctor Wheelock himself, in 1757, paid ^50 for a negro, 
" Ishmael " by name, whom he bought from William Clark 
of Plymouth, Mass. The Indian of the full blood generally 
despised the negro and such of his own race as would marry 
among them. It was Occom's opinion that such marriages 
wrought degeneracy in both races. At the same time he had 
a warm sympathy for the slave, whose estate was not always 
pleasant or respectable, even in New England. Who would 
think to find in Samson Occom an abolitionist ? Such, how- 
ever, he was. He lifted up his voice boldly for emancipation 
seventy years before Uncle Tom's Cabin was written. In one 
of his discourses he made the following pointed application on 
the subject referring to slaveholders : 

I will tell who they are, they are the Preachers or ministers of the Gospel 
of Jesus Christ. It has been very fashionable for them to keep Negroe 
Slaves, which I think is inconsistent with their character and function. Tf 
I understand the Gospel aright, I think it is a Dispensation of Freedom 
and Liberty, both Temporal and Spiritual, and [if] the Preachers of the Holy 
Gospel of Jesus do preach it according to the mind of God, they Preach 
True Liberty and how can such keep Negroes in Slavery? And if Minis- 
ters are True Liberty men, let them preach Liberty for the poor Negroes 
fervently and with great zeal, and those Ministers who have Negroes set an 
Example before their Peojjle by freeing their Negroes, let them show their 
Faith by their Works.'"' 

The success of the publication of Occom's execution ser- 
mon may have encouraged him to undertake another venture 

'' MS. in Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers. 


— the printing of a " Collection of Hymns and Spiritual 
Songs." This introduces a subject of much interest, for 
Occom is himself included among the hymn-writers of New 
England. Indeed he has been known chiefly as the author of 
a familiar hymn, found in many modern collections but now 
going out of use — "Awaked by Sinai's awful sound." 

Several facts should preface a consideration of this subject. 
The Indians of New England were in a way a poetic and 
musical people. They delighted in figures of speech and com- 
monly used them. As to their music, without discussing it, 
we can at least say they were fond of it, for Winslow relates 
how " they vse to sing themselves asleepe " with "barbarous 
singing."^ There was a tradition among the Narragansett 
Indians that a certain tune "was heard in the air by them, 
and other tribes bordering on the Atlantic coast, many years 
before the arrival of the whites in America; and that on their 
first visiting a church in Plymouth Colony, after the settle- 
ment of that place by the whites, the same tune was sung 
while performing divine service, and the Indians knew it as 
well as the whites." Thomas Commuck, himself a Narragan- 
sett Indian, who records this tradition, has preserved the tune 
in his collection of "Indian Melodies," under the name "Old 
Indian Hymn," with the words to which the Brothertown 
Indians were accustomed to sing it. However incredible 
this tradition may seem, it illustrates the fact that the Chris- 
tian Indians were influenced by the psalm-singing of the 
English. John Eliot's converts adopted the practice and 
delighted in it. The Psalms in meter were printed with his 
Indian Bible in 1663 for such use. Afterwards the missionary 
society distributed many copies of psalm-books among the 
natives of southern New England. At Mohegan and other 
Indian settlements thereabouts this exercise had a prominent 
place in their religious services. We have already referred to 

"^ Mourfs Relation, edn. 1865, p. 109. 


the singing of tlie pupils at the Indian Charity School, and 
from other sources we learn that some advance had been 
made among some there in the study of music. It was but 
natural, therefore, that Samson Occom, who is said to have 
been a good singer himself, and acquainted with music, being 
persuaded that his people would find greater pleasure in the 
spiritual songs which were then coming into general use, 
should conclude to prepare a collection in part for his 
Christian Indians. 

We judge that he received his impulse in this work during 
his visit to England. He was there associated with Rev. 
George Whitefield, who had a decided preference for such 
hymns. Moreover, he met there most of the hymn-writers of 
the time, some of them intimate friends of the Countess of 
Huntingdon. What influences must have surrounded him as 
he preached in the church at Northampton, where Philip 
Doddridge had ministered, or in John Wesley's foundry! He 
was entertained by John Newton of Olney, and by Thomas 
Gibbons, the biographer of Isaac Watts. It is certain that he 
preached in the pulpits of Martin Madan, Samuel Stennett, 
Edward Perronet, Benjamin Beddome and other well-known 
composers of hymns. The interest of the Indians in this 
subject may be presumed to have been known in England, as 
in 1767 Mr. Knap sent over to Doctor Wheelock some copies 
of his collection of tunes — one for Samuel Kirkland, and 
another for David Fowler, who were then among the Oneidas. 
He had named a new tune " Lebanon," in honor of the school. 
After Occom's return, and especially in 1772, he was studying 
hymns and hymn-books, a number of which he had doubtless 
brought from England, as they were used in the preparation 
of his own. Among these were the collections of Watts, 
Wesley, Whitefield, Lady Huntingdon, Madan, Mason, Cen- 
nick and Maxwell. Several collections were issued while he 
was there. His interest seems to have been known, for a 


composer wrote him thus: "Understanding that you know 
music, T here present you with upwards of six score tunes 
amongst which are several of the Modernest and some of the 
Pleasantest that are used in the Methodists."^ Probably he 
received other such gifts. Thus his interest in hymnology 
had been kindled by acquaintance with some of the masters. 

The title of his book declares that it is " Intended for the 
Edification of sincere Christians of all Denominations." In 
the preface, also, he says : " I have taken no small Pains to 
collect a number of choice Hymns, Psalms and Spiritual 
Songs from a number of Authors of different Denominations 
of Christians, that every Christian may be suited." How 
great an expectation he had that his book would come into 
general use, we do not know. He certainly issued it partly 
for his Christian Indians. The plan of removing them to 
Oneida w^as then in his mind. As he purposed to adopt and 
teach the English language, uniting the several tribes who still 
spoke their Indian dialects, he may have thought the hymn- 
book would aid him. The first edition was issued in 1774, 
the year of the attempted removal; the second in 1785, the 
year of its accomplishment; and the third in 1792, the year 
of his death, three weeks after the event was known in New 
London. Many copies of the first two editions must have 
been taken by the Indians, for they used this collection both 
before and after the removal to Oneida. 

The first notice we have of the book is in the Nezv Londo7i 
Gazette^ April i, 1774^ which makes the announcement that 
" Mr. Occom's Collection of Poems will be published on Wed- 
nesday next" — the 6th of April. In the issue of the same 
paper, April 8th, it is advertised as just published — "A choice 
Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs." The difference 
between the title under which it was announced and that of 
the title-page is to be noted. We are, at least, prepared to 

" Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers, Lett. Thos. Knibb to Occom, Feb. 8, 1768. 


find, on a critical examination of the contents, that some of 
the hymns were his own composition.. All the editions, which 
are extremely scarce, have the same title ; but the third lacks 
the preface, and has a few unimportant "additions," probably 
made by the printer.^ Occom's name was afterwards asso- 
ciated with some editions of Joshua Smith's collection. An 
edition of this, perhaps the first, was printed in 1784 at Nor- 
wich, Conn., by Thomas Hubbard, and later the name of 
" Samson Ockum " appeared on the title-page with Joshua 
Smith. 1° A critical examination of this book shows that many 
hymns in it were taken from Occom's earlier collection. Some 
were, doubtless, then known as his composition. So far as we 
know he had nothing to do with the publication of this book, 
many editions of which were issued after his death. 

After the Brothertown Indians had made their second 
removal from New York to Wisconsin, one of their number, 
Thomas Commuck, issued the " Indian Melodies."" In this 
he gathered the tunes and hymns which were then in use 
among them, the harmony being furnished by Thomas Hast- 
ings. He states, in his preface, as one reason for issuing the 

9(1) New-London; ..Timothy Green,.. M,DCC,LXXIV. 120 pp. iig. Con- 
gregational Library. Mass. Hist. Soc, New London Library, and Brinley Coll., 
No. 6022, $34. (2) New-London ; , . Timothy Green, .. M,DCC,LXXXV. 120 pp. 
112. Conn. Hist. Soc., Hartford Theol. Sem., and Brinley Coll., No. 6023, $26. (3) 
New London ; Timothy Green and Son, M,DCC,XCH. 16° pp. )i2. Watkinson Lib. 
Hartford, Brinley Copy, No. 6024, J22. 

'0 Divine Hymns or Spiritual Songs for the use of Religious Assevihlies and Pri- 
vate Christiatis. Norwich, T. Hubbard, T7S4. [Brinley Coll., No. 6038.] Other edi- 
tions were issued at Norwich by Wni. Northrop, the 8th in 1797, the 9th in 1799 
[Union Theol. Sem.], the nth in 1803 [Union Theol. Sem. J, and the 12th in 1811 
[Watkinson Lib.] A so-called 6th edition was printed at Albany in 1804, said to be 
by "Joshua Smith, Samson Ockum and others." [Union Theol. Sem.] Other 
editions were printed at New London in iSoo, at Portland in 1803, and at Suffield 
in 1805. [Watkinson Lib.] 

11 Indian Melodies^ by Thomas Commuck, a Narragansett India7t. Harmonized 
by Thomas Hastings, Esq. New York : Published by G. Lane & C. B Tippett, for 
the Methodist Episcopal Church, 200 Mulberry street. James Collord, Printer, 1845, 
oblong, pp. vi, 7-116. 



C O L L E C T I O N 


Spiritual SONGS; 

Jnteuded for tlie Edification 
of fincere Chriftians, of all 



Both young Men and Maidens, old Men j-nd 
Chiidrcn— Praife the LORD. 

PSAL. CxLViii, 12, i^. 

N E W - L O N D O N : 

Print FD and Sold bv TIMOTHY GREEN 
a few Rods Weft of the Court-Hous£. ' 








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book, "That no son of the forest, to his knowledge, has ever 
undertaken a task of the kind ; " and he "begs to be excused 
for stepping a little aside from the path generally traveled by 
authors," who "wind up by declaring that if such and such an 
object has been secured they feel amply repaid for all their 
toils," and admitting frankly "that notwithstanding all other 
ends which may result from the publication of this work, his 
object is to make a little money." How he came out in this 
purpose, we do not know; but he has done a service in pre- 
serving some melodies which the Christian Indians had long 
been accustomed to sing. All the tunes bear Indian names. 
Those which are most characteristic are Quapaw, Montauk, 
Delaware, Ottoe, Wabash, Kickapoo, Susquehannah and 
Piankashaw. The "Old Indian Hymn" already referred to 
is a minor, as Indian tunes were apt to be, and may very 
liltely have been a favorite long used among the Indians of 
New England. 

An examination of the hymns in Samson Occom's collection 
reveals the fact, hitherto, we think, unknown, that there are a 
considerable number which are not found in earlier books, 
and are not noted, or are unassigned by hymnologists. The 
conclusion is that he was himself the author of such. Was 
not this probably the reason why the book was announced as 
" Mr. Occom's Collection of Poems " ? The collection con- 
tains one hundred and eight numbered hymns, with some 
doxologjes and graces. Of these the greater part are known 
as by Watts, Wesley, Madan and others. He undoubtedly 
took them from hymn-books which were at hand. As to the 
remainder, some, which are unclaimed by authors so far as we 
are aware, do not seem to exhibit his style of composition, 
while others have distinctly his earmarks in certain expres- 
sions. We give the first lines of a number of these, which 
must be assigned to Occom, unless other authorship is proven : 
" Lord, I confess my sin is great," " Weary of struggling with 


my Pain," "The Prodigal's return'd," "Laden'd with guilt 
sinners arise," "Awake sad heart, whom sorrows drown," 
" Christ Jesus is the chiefest Good," " Now his the ever-rolling 
Year," " Behold that Splendor, hear the Shout," " Most gra- 
cious God of boundless Might," " O Sight of Anguish, view it 
near," " I bless the Lord, who gives his word," " Ye that seek 
the Lord, who dy'd," " Welcome, welcome, blessed Servant," 
"Behold Jesus Christ in the Clouds," "Hail thou happy Morn 
so glorious," "Come to Jesus, come away," " Hark ye Mortals, 
hear the Trumpet," " Why was unbelieving I," " By sin my 
God and all was lost," " Today Immanuel feeds his sheep," 
" Christ in that Night he was betray'd," " Farewell to my Pain 
and farewell to my Chain," "Lord from thy Throne of flowing 
grace," and "Blest be the God whose tender care." Six of 
these hymns are found in Joshua Smith's collection. Some of 
Occom's hymns have appeared in later hymn-books. It is, 
of course, possible that he supplied some hymns for collec- 
tions issued by others before his own, but we think not. All 
his hymns must be assigned to that period of despondency 
which followed his return from England. He has wrought his 
experience into them. We can easily imagine that he has 
expressed in some of them that peace which finally came with 
his victory, the joy he felt over the prodigal Johnson's return, 
and the evangelistic fervor of the awakening among his Chris- 
tian Indians. 

Several hymns, which are better known than those above 
noted, have been assigned to this Indian hymn-writer. One 
of these is on the suffering of Christ. Its first stanza is as 
follows : 

Throughout the Saviour's life we trace, 
NotHing but shame and deep disgrace, 

No period else was seen : 
Till he a spotless victim fell, 
Tasting in soul a painful hell, 

Caus'd by the creature's sin. 


This is surely Occom's composition. It is a good illustra- 
tion of his style, and is found in his collection, whence it was 
taken by Joshua Smith. In some later hymn-books it has 
" our " for '' the," or " I " for " we," in the first line. Another 
hymn with which he is credited is more familiar : 

Now the shades of night are gone, 
Now the morning light is come : 
Lord, we would be thine to-day, 
Drive the shades of sin away. 

The first appearance of this hymn was in the Hartford Col- 
lection in 1799. It is also found in the edition of Joshua Smith's 
collection, printed at Albany in 1804, which has Occom's name 
on the title-page. The Prayer Book collection of 1826 gave it 
extensive circulation, and it is still used. This hymn is, how- 
ever, quite unlike his style of thought and expression, and its 
authorship must remain in doubt. 

The most famous of Occom's hymns is that which begins 
with the line "Awaked by Sinai's awful sound," and many 
have wondered whether he indeed wrote it. We have now this 
fact in the foreground that he composed quite a number of 
other hymns. Its appearance several years after his death 
does not in any wise indicate that he was not the author, for 
we have reason to believe that he left some hymns among his 
manuscripts which had not been published and which he 
wrote after issuing his own book. This was probably thus 
brought to light. A perplexity has arisen from the fact that 
there are two versions of this hymn, both of which appeared, 
so far as known, about the same time. Students of hymnology 
have concluded that Occom wrote one of these, beginning 
"Wak'd by the gospel's pow'rful sound," and that 'the other 
was an attempt of some one else to improve this, the first line 
being changed to read " Awak'd by Sinai's awful sound." His 
own book does not contain either version. Joshua Smith's 
collection of 1804 has the former in eight stanzas, with some 


alterations, as in the first line, "Wak'd by the gospel's joyful 
sound." In the Suffield edition of 1805, this modified version 
is found, and there are eleven stanzas, as also in Joshua 
Spalding's book, issued in 1805, "The Lord's Songs," where it 
is credited to Occom. The other version was soon recognized 
as better, and with some changes it passed into general use. 
Possibly the first version appeared earlier than 1801, but it 
was that year published in Josiah Goddard's "New and Beau- 
tiful Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs," printed by 
Thomas & Thomas, at Walpole, N. H. We give this in full : 

Wak'd by the gospel's pow'rful sound 
My soul in sin and thrall I found, 

Expos'd to endless woe; 
Eternal truth did loud proclaim, 
The sinner must be born again, 

Or down to ruin go. 

Surpriz'd indeed, I could not tell, 
Which way to shun the gates of hell, 

To which I 's drawing near ; 
I strove alas! but all in vain. 
The sinner must be born again, 

Still sounded in mine ears. 

Into the law then run for help, 
Eut still I felt the weight of guilt, 

And no relief 1 found ; 
While sin my burden'd soul did pain. 
The sinner must be born again. 

Did loud as thunder sound. 

God's justice now I did behold, 
And guilt lay dreadful on my soul, 

It was a heavy load : 
I read my bible, it was plain, 
The sinner must be born again. 

Or feel the wrath of God. 

I heard some speak how Christ did give 
Mis life, to let the sinner live, 
But him I could not see; 


This solemn truth did still remain, 
The sinner must be born again, 
Or dwell in misery. 

But as my soul with dying breath, 
Was gasping in eternal death, 

Christ Jesus I did see : 
Free grace and pardon he proclaim'd, 
I trust I then was born again. 

In gospel liberty. 

Not angels in the world above, 

Nor saints could glow with greater love 

Than what my soul enjoy'd; 
My soul did mount on faith its wing, 
And glory, glory, I did sing 

To Jesus my dear Lord. 

Now with the saints I '11 sing and tell, 
How Jesus sav'd my soul from hell, 

And praise redeeming love : 
Ascribe the glory to the Lamb; 
The sinner now is born again, 

To dwell with Christ above. 

* The other version of this hymn first appeared in The Con- 
necticut Evangelical Magazine for July. 1802, under the title 
"The New Birth,'' and was "communicated as original." It 
is as follows : 

Awak'd by Sinai's awful sound, 
My soul in guilt & thrall I found. 

And knew not where to go : 
O'erwhelm'd with sin, with anguish slain, 
The sinner must be born again, 

Or sink to endless woe. 

Amaz'd I stood, but could not tell. 
Which way to shun the gates of hell, 

For death and hell drew near; 
I strove indeed, but strove in vain, 
The sinner must be born again. 

Still sounded in mine ear. 


When to the law I trembling fled, 
It pour'd its curses on my head, 

I no relief could find ; 
This fearful truth renew'd my pain, 
The sinner must be born again, 

And whelm'd my tortur'd mind. 

Again did Sinai's thunders roll, 
And guilt lay heavy on my soul, 

A vast, unwieldy load ; 
Alas! I read, and saw it plain. 
The sinner must be born again, 

Or drink the wrath of God. 

The saints I heard with rapture tell, 
How Jesus conquer'd death and hell. 

And broke the fowler's snare; 
Yet when I found this truth remain, 
The sinner must be born again, 

I sunk in deep despair. 

But while I thus in anguish lay, 
Jesus of Nazareth past that way. 

And felt his pity move; 
The sinner by his justice slain. 
Now by his grace is born again. 

And sings redeeming love. 

To heaven the joyful tidings flew. 
The angels tun'd their harps anew. 

And loftier notes did raise; 
All hail the Lamb, who once was slain ; 
Unnumber'd millions born again 

Will shout thine endless praise. 

The arrangement of this hymn now in use has altered this 
version in many lines ; but one can easily see that what may 
be called the motive remains. Occom's stamp is certainly 
upon this hymn. It is in his favorite meter, the expressions 
are his and the theme, so ingeniously wrought into each 
stanza, was the most prominent in his ministry. We have not 

occonrs sermon, hymns and hymn book 187 

the slightest doubt that the solution of the hymnologists' per- 
plexity is that both versions were written by Occom. He was 
accustomed to rewrite and make alterations, as his manu- 
scripts show, several varying copies of the same letter or docu- 
ment being extant. The second version was made after the 
first to improve it, and perhaps there were originally more 
stanzas than have survived. After his death his papers were 
scattered. Both versions might thus quite naturally find their 
way into print, and one be "communicated as original" to the 
Connecticut Evangelical Magazine. There is nothing in either 
so superior as to be beyond the powers of Samson Occom. 
Some stanzas in his other hymns are better; but none of them 
indicates that he was a gifted poet or above the average hymn- 
writer of his day. The field in which he is now best known 
is one in which he has deserved distinction far less than in 
many others. He was greater as a missionary, as a wise 
leader among his people and as the founder of a tribe which 
attempted a self-government unique in our American history. 
Still, this hymn has served as his memorial. It has brought 
him to the mind of many a singer, though more perhaps have 
sung it in ignorance of its Indian authorship. Among white 
worshipers it has now grown old and is passing away. The 
Christian Indians of many tribes, however, esteem it still a 
favorite, as if it were a message of the Great Spirit through 
one of their prophets ; and in the homes of the once famous 
Iroquois, to whom he carried the Gospel, they sing in a 
strange and failing tongue : 

Neh' ogyet' he ni yut gaih' nih 
No ya nes hal/ Na wen ni' yuh'; 

Agi' vva neh' a goh : 
Deh'agega ha ga deh' gwat, 
Neh' dyu' i wah ha jo' na gaad 

Neh goi' wa neh' a goh. 



The Indian tribes of southern New England had been gen- 
erally gathered from a wandering life to dwell on reservations 
early in the eighteenth century. Old tribes were in course of 
time broken up, their lands sold and the remnant absorbed in 
one of these communities. Maintenance by hunting was no 
longer possible and the Indian's interest in agriculture was 
confined to a few acres of corn. Some relief was granted 
them from time to time by the colonies ; but its effect was 
temporary and rarely beneficial. These changed conditions 
made the Indian's existence more of a burden than it had 
been in the free life of his fathers. Corruptions were bred in 
his restricted associations. Intemperance, licentiousness and 
disease all claimed him as a victim ; and the later colonial 
wars, in which many of their hardiest men served, left numer- 
ous widows and orphans to struggle with multiplying miseries. 
Yet in the midst of all the evils which were silently wasting 
away the race, there was at work a force making for the sur- 
vival of the fittest. In every tribal center there were some 
who had received an education at the Indian school, or had 
been subjects of Christianizing influences or were naturally 
above the average in frugality, industry and ambition. These 
had come to be termed in a general way Christian Indians. 
Without any knowledge of scieijtific theories, but with the 
practical foresight of a statesman, Samson Occom saw what 
would surely befall his people, if they continued in their ances- 
tral homes surrounded by the whites. This was the reason 



why he originated the plan of gathering into one tribe the 
better Indians and removing westward to start anew in a more 
favorable environment. Ere we consider the development of 
this design, we should review the work done preparatory 
thereto in the several Indian settlements. 

The history of civilization in these communities dates 
naturally from the year 1717, when the Connecticut General 
Assembly passed an act, as already noted, in which reservation 
life had its beginning. A new interest in the Indians followed 
this important measure. It is evident, however, that religious 
work among the Indians did not get well under way until 
1732. Thereafter it never lacked friends in the Connecticut 
colony. The government itself became the patron of Indian 
missions. This revived interest reached a climax in 1736, 
when the General Assembly at its May session passed an act 
directing "That at the next publick Thanksgiving that shall 
be appointed in this Colony, there shall be a contribution 
attended in every ecclesiastical society or parish in this gov- 
ernment, and that the money that shall be raised thereby 
shall be improved for the civilizing and christianizing of the 
Indian natives in this Colony." This gave an impulse to the 
work by bringing it to the attention of every congregation. 
Although it was continued in a few places after the Revolu- 
tion, that political and social upheaval wrought desolation. 
When the people had recovered from this conflict it was found 
that there were only a few Indians left in any of their reserva- 
tions. The strength of the Connecticut tribes died in the 
cause of liberty ! 

One of the largest and most influential of these settle- 
ments was at Misquamicut, or Charlestown, R. I. Here in 
the eighteenth century the sachems of Ninegret's line reigned 
over the remnants of the Eastern Niantics and Narragansetts, 
which latter name they commonly bore. These Indians may 
have had occasional missionary visitations before 172 1 ; but 


in that year the " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
P'oreign Parts" — the sectarian society of the Church of Eng- 
land — sent Rev. James McSparran to minister over St. Paul's 
church at Narragansett. Thp intention was that he should 
labor with both the English and the Indians. In Henry 
Caner's tract on "A Candid Examination of Dr. Mayhew's 
Observations," one of a series relating to the conduct of this 
society, there is an important paragraph on this effort: 

At Charlestown in the Narragansett (R. I ) an attempt was made by this 
Society to establish a mission for the benefit of the English and the tribe of 
Indians in that neighborhood (at that time about 400) to which attempt the 
Indians were [so] well disjjo-ed, by the labours of Dr. Macsparran, a 
neighboring missionary, that the Sachem gave a piece of ground to erect 
a church upon and a considerable quantity of land besides for a glebe. 
Accordingly a church was set up and the laudable design in a promising 
way, when one Mr. Parks was sent thither to give a check to the attempt, 
who by drawing off a party and kindling a spirit of enthusiasm among both 
English and Indians in that town totally disappointed and frustrated the 
design. 1 

The facts were about as here stated. Dr. McSparran did 
missionary service with some success under the favor of Charles 
Ninegret, who gave twenty acres of land in 1727 "for the 
erecting thereon a house for worship, according to the form of 
the church of England." A small church was at that time 
built, though it was not until January 14, 1745-46, that the 
land was actually conveyed, with twenty acres more for a 
glebe, by George Ninegret, the succeeding sachem. It was a 
wooden structure, situated on the Champlin farm, north of 
the post-road, and about half a mile from the sachem's house.^ 

i"A Candid Examination, etc." [Henry Caner] Boston, 1763, p. 45. For other 
pamphlets on this controversy, see Brinley Catalogue, No. 6165. 

2 After the failure of this enterprise the property was held by the Champlin 
family by right of possession. In 1765 the Indians complained of their sachem 
because " about forty acres of their land granted to the Royal Society for a church 
of England, he suffers Col. Champlin or some of his family to keep possession of 
and occupy it without the least banefit to the Society, or the church or the Indians." 
[A^. K Arch., MSS., Sir IVm. Johnson, XXiV, 251.] The Cliamplin place passed 


This was known as " The Church of England in Charles- 
town ; " but no church organization ever existed there, the 
whites who attended being communicants of the Narragansett 
church. It was only a preaching station for Dr. McSparran, 
which he ceased to visit probably about 1748.^ Indians 
attended there in considerable numbers for ten years ; but the 
work declined when a minister came who could live among 

The commissioners of the " Society for Propagating the 
Gospel in New England," meeting at Boston, June i, 1732, 
had before them a request for a minister in Westerly, pre- 
sented in a letter from Colonel John Coddington of Newport. 
It was decided to send Joseph Park, and he removed thither 
with his family the following year. He was pledged to labor 
under the society for five years " as a missionary to the 
Indians and such English as would attend." Action was 
immediately taken toward building a meeting-house, under 
an agreement that the Indians should have one half of it 
assigned to them and the society would defray one half of the 
expense. This edifice was located about five miles west of 
the Episcopal church, on the same road, and on land then 
belonging to Colonel Joseph Stanton, the prime mover in the 
affair. It was completed in 1734, and cost about ;i{^2oo.^ Mr. 
Park lived near and opened a school for Indians in his family. 
The work made encouraging progress for a time, especially 
under the religious influences abroad in 1740, and undoubt- 

to Robert Hazard and later to James McDonald. The church gradually went to 
decay and the frame was used in building a house near the spot, in the ruins of 
which the ancient timbers could be seen in 1896. 

3 Updike's Hist, of the Narragansett C/nirch, pp. 512, 513 ; Westerly and Its Wit- 
nesses, Rev. Frederic Denison, Prov. 1878, p. 76; Hist. Sketch of the Toivn of 
Charlestown, W. F. Tucker, Westerly, 1877, p. 63 ; Letter Book of Rev. James 
MacSparran, Rev. Daniel Goodwin, Ph. D., pp. 34, yj, 138-141. 

* This meeting-house stood until late in the century. It was within the present 
limits of Westerly, on the James Ross place, the spot being indicated by a small 
graveyard near by. Here are the graves of Rev. Joseph Park, who died March i, 
1777, and his wife, Abigail, who died October 19, 1772. 


edly drew the Indians from the Episcopal church. On the 
5th of May, 1742, a church was formed and Mr. Park was or- 
dained to the pastorate August thirteenth following, at a salary 
of ;^i2o. During the next two years " more than sixty Indians 
became members " of this Presbyterian or Congregational 
church. Among them was one, Samuel Niles, who seems to 
have been named after the white minister of South Kingstown. 
A small schoolhouse was built for the Indians before 1745 on 
Colonel Stanton's land, and everything seemed to promise 
well for the Christianizing of the tribe. 

This Congregational church, however, was divided during 
the Separatist excitement. In 1746 the Indians who were 
infected with such notions drew off, and the prospect of Mr. 
Park's usefulness there being gone the commissioners discon- 
tinued their support, September 17, 1748. President Stiles 
on one of his tours met Samuel Niles, and had from his lips 
an account of what followed : 

May 8, 1772. This forenoon I was visited by Samuel Niles an Indian of 
the Narragansett. Ot 66. He told me that he was formerly a coniunicant 
in Mr. Parks Congreg^ Chh in Westerly where he was baptized by sprin- 
kling. Here he was dealt with for exhorting in the Congregation, upon 
which he and about a hundred Indians withdrew, i. e. the chief body of the 
Narr. Tribe wh was xtianized. They built a new meeting house 25 ft sq 
and spontaneously gathered themselves, above 20 brethren in number into a 
chh or agreed to walk together as such. Mr. Stephen Babcock, a Deacon 
of Mr. Park's chh had also separated & became an Elder among the Sepa- 
ratists — a mixture of Baptists & Pedobaptists & was ordained I think by 
some bap elders. There was a Indian from Groton of the Remnants of the 
Pequot Tribe who came & preached at Narra^ and he was by the Laying 
[on] of hands of Elder Babcock & others ordained Elder of this Indian 
chh — his name was James Simon or Simon James. But about half a dozen 
B'' adhering to him, he & his adherents met in a private house — to these he 
administered bap"^ & t Ld supper 3 or 4 yrs & then removed. At the same 
time Sami Niles carried on in the Meeting House & at length about 15 
brethren who refused Simon united & called Samuel. But none even of the 
Separate Elders wd ordain him, the chh chose & app' 3 breih Indians to 
ordain him. They began exercises about noon & cont to sunset. The 3 
breth laid on Hands on Sam^ Niles & one of them, viz Wm Choise or 


Cohoize or Oc-Hoyze prayed over him & gave him the charge of that Flock, 
during which such a Spirit was outpoured & fell upon them (as he expresses 
it) that m5ny others of the Cong" prayed aloud & lift n\> their hearts with 
prayers & Tears to G*^. This cont^ a long time, half an hour or near an 
hour. The white pple present taking this for confusion were disgusted & 
went away. Afterwards they sang & were dismissed. Ever since he has 
ministered there in holy things, preach? baptizing &c. He himself was 
bap afores'd time & this was by plunging & I think by an Indian not an 
Elder. Yet he holds it indifferent & it was agreed that Bap or Pedobap 
principles sh'd be no Term of Comunion. Accdly Saml bap both Tnf & 
adults, latter by spk or plung, as they wish. lie Has now Ninety Ind* 
Communicants in chh at Narr to whom he breaks bread once a mo. He 
also breaks b'd to 2 other Cong* one at Groton and another at Mohegan. 
For tho Mr. Occom preaches there & has been long ordained yet he has 
not administered the ordinances since his Fall. Samuel Niles cannot read. 
It seems extraordinary that such an one should be a Pastor. He is how- 
ever acquainted with the Doctrines of the Gospel and an earnest, zealous 
man & perhaps does more good to the Indians than any White man could 
do. He is of an unblameable life as to Morals & sobriety. He has very 
great influence over the Indians^ 

We have further information in a report made by Rev. 
Joseph Fish of North Stonington to the commissioners in 
1764, in which he says of the Indians, "They left Park's 
meeting about the time that Deacon Babcock fell off from the 
standing chh, about 19 or 20 years ago, & were for some time 
under the instruction of Babcock a separate Baptist teacher, 
till most of them took offense at his conduct in ordaining an 
Indian over y"' y* wa'nt agreeable to y* Body of y® tribe, upon 
which some of y'' Indian Brethren (as I am informed) not in any 
office took & ordained one Samuel Niles their Pastor & he has 
been their minister ever since, preaching, administering the 
Lord's Supper, baptizing and marrying."^ 

These extracts recover the history of the famous Indian 
church in Charlestown. It appears that about 1745 the New 
Light party and the Indians separated from Mr. Park's church ; 

5 Stilcy MSS., Yale College, Diary III, 89. 

•' Conn. Hist. Soc, hidian Pafers^'Ltlt. of Fish. 




that both were for a time under the care of Mr. Stephen Bab- 
cock, and that he then ordained James Simons over the Indians, 
thereby creating a division among them which resulted in the 
ordination of Samuel Niles. Mr. Babcock was himself installed 
over his party, called the " Hill Church," April 4, 1750." The 
Indians built a rude wooden meeting-house twenty-five feet 
square which stood near the center of their tract, and on this 
spot the present Indian church was erected in 1859— a stone 
edifice, twenty-eight feet wide and forty feet long. In their 
first meeting^iouse Rev. Samuel Niles ministered for many 
years and certainly until the year 1776. Samson Occom also 
occasionally preached there on his tours ; so also did Samuel 
Ashbow, whom McClure heard there in 1768. It is said that 
Samuel Niles was "in his day one of the most eminent Indian 
preachers in America." Rev. Joseph Fish wrote of him thus : 
'"This Niles whom I have known some years is a sober, reli- 
gious man, of good sense and great fluency of speech and [I] 
know not but a very honest man. Has a good deal of the 
Scriptures by heart & professes a regard for the Bible. But 
his unhappiness is this he cannot read a w^ord." '^ As above 
stated he occasionally preached at Groton and Mohegan. He 
was for years a councilor of the Narragansett Indians and 
prominent in the defense of their land claims.'-^ In the census 
of 1 76 1 his age is given as 60 years and he then had a son 
and a daughter. He was succeeded in the ministry by 
another Indian, John Sekatur, a useful and good man ; and he 
by Moses Stanton, ordained March 17, 1823. The latter 
toiled faithfully, but the tribe were fading away, and about 
1844 he went to Ann Arbor, Mich., where he died. Aaron 

' Backus' Hist, of New Englani, i^7i> !> 347) 348, II, 510, 511. 

^ Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers, Lett, of Fish. This Indian. Samuel Niles, is 
sometimes confounded with the white }ninister of the same name who never had 
anything to do with this Indian church. Denison's Westerly and Its Witnesses^ p. So. 

'■^A Statement of the Case of the Narragansett Tribe of Indians, by James N. 
Arnold, Newport, 1S96. 


Sekatur was the last minister, ordained about 1858, and a 
well-known exhorter in his day. This church has long been of 
the Freewill Baptist' order, with a leaning toward Adventist 
views; but only a few now remain, aged and scattered. In 
1784 there were about fifty members, in 1827, ninety-three, and 
in 1877, about forty. Once a year, in the month of August, the 
remnant of the tribe gather at the meeting-house, now isolated 
in the midst of miles of growing woodland, and on a festival 
day remember the bygone years. Back of the church is their 
burial-ground, now almost lost to view in the brush, where rest 
the dead of many generations. 

After the separation, for some years, these Indians were 
without a school. In 1764 Rev. Joseph Fish made a visita- 
tion among them, saw the necessity and influenced them to 
petition the commissioners of the missionary society for a 
schoolmaster. Edward Deake was sent and began teach- 
ing there June 3, 1765. That autumn he set about building a 
schoolhouse, which was to be "40 feet long and 16 wide," 
"one story with a Strait Roof and ye Chimney in ye middle 
with two Smokes." One end was to be fitted up as a tene- 
ment for the schoolmaster, with a cellar underneath. The 
commissioners were to furnish boards, nails and glass, and 
the Indians were to do the work. It was several years, how- 
ever, before this structure was completed, for the commission- 
ers declined to furnish the funds until the land was conveyed 
to them. This was not until January 5, 1770.^^^ Meanwhile 
Deake went on at his own risk and the bills were afterwards 
paid by the society. This schoolhouse was situated on a 
knoll north of Cockumpaug Pond, about one half mile from 
the Indian church ; and it is said to survive to this day in the 
club-house now on the spot. Rev. Joseph Fish, who was put 

i^Charlestown Records, Deed from Queen Esther; R. I. Col. Rec, vi, 534; Conn. 
Hist. Soc. Indian Papers ; MS. Rec. Soc. for Prop. Cos. ; and Wheelock Papers, 
Lett. Fish to Whitaker, July 30, 1766. 


in charge of the work, lectured in it once a month for several 
years. .The school prospered. In 1765 there were seventy- 
three Indian families on the reservation, with one hundred 
and fifty-one children of school age, of whom about half were 
pupils. A division arose among them as to the schoolmaster 
in the course of time, and finally, in 1776, Deake was dismissed. 
Many of the Indians went into the war and from that time 
the settlement declined. Here some of Wheelock's Indian 
pupils lived, and this tribe furnished more families than any 
other in the emigration to Oneida. 

The Pequot tribe next engages our attention. Since the 
Pequot war they had been divided into two clans. One, under 
Wequash Cook, or Hermon Garret, was settled in 1683 on a 
tract of two hundred and eighty acres in North Stonington, 
three miles from the meeting-house. The other, under Cas- 
sasinamon, sometimes called Robin, removed in 1667 from 
Nawyonk on the seashore to a reservation of two thousand 
acres, called Mushantuxet, after 1705 in Groton, but now 
within the town of Ledyard, Conn. The former were some- 
times called the Stonington Indians and the latter were com- 
monly styled the Groton Pequots. So early as 1657 Rev. 
Richard Blinman of New London was invited to become a 
missionary among the Pequots, and though he declined the 
engagement he may have done some service among them. 
The commissioners the same year engaged Mr. William 
Thompson "in theire labours and Indeauors to Instruct the 
Indians therabouts resideing especially Robin and his com- 
panie." He began the work in 1659, laboring to some extent 
among both clans and being assisted by Thomas Stanton as 
interpreter; but after three years he discontinued it. Other 
early attempts were made to provide a missionary and to edu- 
cate English youth as schoolmasters, for which purpose they 
engaged John Miner and Thomas and John Stanton. All these 
early efforts came to nothing. The visits of Rev. Experience 


Mayhew were not followed up with zeal. It was not until the 
general beginning of missionary work in southern New Eng- 
land in the next century that any positive good was accom- 
plished. In 1734 Mr. Peabody of Natick visited the Groton 
Indians, and on his advice, supported by Rev. Eliphalet Adams 
of New London, who began lecturing among them that year, 
the commissioners voted that if the Groton [Ledyard] minister 
would take the Indians under his care and assign them a place 
in the meeting-house, he should be remunerated for his ser- 
vices. This plan was not fully carried out, though Dr. Adams' 
son William, who was then supplying this church, labored for 
a year among the Indians. There were then on the reserva- 
tion about one hundred. At this time a school was estab- 
lished and possibly a schoolhouse was built. Here at least 
Benjamin Larrabee and John Morgan taught for various terms. 
In 1749 Rev. Jacob W. Johnson became the minister and dur- 
ing his years he lectured some and exercised a general relig- 
ious supervision over the Indians. The best work there w^as 
done by Indian teachers. Samuel Ashbow was both school- 
master and preacher from 1753 to 1757, and he was succeeded 
by Samson Wauby. Afterwards one Hugh Sweetingham taught 
for a time. He who did the best work among them was Jacob 
Fowler, the brother-in-law of Samson Occom. His term of 
service began in the winter of 1770 and continued to Novem- 
ber, 1774, when he was engaged as tutor in Dartmouth Col- 
lege. He also preached in a humble way there and among 
the Stonington Indians. Rev. Joseph Fish in writing Governor 
Trumbull, in 1776, to recommend Fowler for government serv- 
ice, said " He approved himself both skillful & faithful in his 
business and recommended himself to the esteem and respect 
of all his acquaintance by an inoffensive &: exemplary be- 
havior both in ye civil and christian life." After him Abraham 
Simons, another of Wheelock's pupils, taught the school until 
the Revolution broke it up. Fowler's salary at first was £\2 


a year, but he had some assistance from the Indians. The 
condition of these Pequots was inferior to that in some other 
settlements. They lived mostly within a square mile and 
their land was poor. So many, of the men went into the 
Colonial wars that they were almost left a tribe of widows. 
No church ever existed among them, as they attended with 
the whites. In their schoolhouse, however, they had services 
for the Indians, and there Jacob Fowler, Samuel Ashbow, 
Samuel Niles and Samson Occom preached ; the latter very 
near to them and the bishop of the flock. There were in this 
settlement in 1725, 322 souls, who were reduced to 176 in 
1762. President Stiles' census the latter year gives 140 
souls — 16 families, seven living in houses and nine in wig- 
wams. Rev. Jacob W. Johnson made a list in 1766, and found 
164 souls, of whom eighty-eight were children under sixteen 

The Indians of Stonington were indebted to two neighbor- 
ing ministers for the best religious influences and care. These 
were Rev. Nathaniel Eelis of Stonington, whose ministry ex- 
tended from 1733 to 1786, and Rev. Joseph Fish, pastor at 
North Stonington from 17.32 to 1781. During his early years 
Mr. Eells lectured to the Indians, visited them and performed 
such other service as they needed ; but later they were espe- 
cially under the supervision of Mr. Fish, whose church was 
only three miles away. A few were members of these churches. 
So early as 1738 the Indian children were gathered into a 
school with the whites, the commissioners allowing one shil- 
ling a week for the instruction of each. Mr. Fish in 1757 
wrote the society some account of their condition, in which he 
said they had increased by accessions during the past six 
years from eight families to sixteen, seventy-one persons, of 
whom twenty-one were children of school age. At that time he 
revived his efforts among them, lecturing once a fortnight. An 
Indian school was also established. Edward Nedson, an In- 



dian, began to teach it in his own house February 22, 1758, a 
room being fitted up for the purpose. This Indian continued 
faithful in this service until his death, September i, 1769. He 
is said to have been honest, prudent and useful. His widow 
would not permit the school to be kept in her house there- 
after, and in 1772 the commissioners voted to build a school- 
house; but the school had seen its prosperous days. Among 
these Indians also Samson Occom ministered as he went to 
and fro. Some of them were well advanced in civilization. 

The next Indian settlement to be considered is Niantic, 
where the western branch of that tribe lived. They had a 
small reservation of about 300 acres in the eastern part of 
Lyme. In 1734 the commissioners at Boston considered -the 
establishment of a school there. The matter was referred to 
Messrs. Mason and Adams, who reported adversely because 
the Indians, then in a heathen state, were hostile to it on 
account of the ill treatment they had received in reference to 
their lands. Thereupon Rev. George Griswold of East Lyme 
and Rev. Jonathan Parsons of Lyme petitioned the General 
Assembly in their behalf for justice and the Indians became 
more favorably disposed. A school was begun in 1736, through 
the instrumentality of the colony, and Governor Talcott wrote 
of it the year following, " Our School of Indians at Niantik 
prospers." Then came the religious awakening. The Lyme 
ministers became greatly interested in the natives, visiting 
them, lecturing in their settlement, and gathering them to 
their own church services. Bibles and Psalters were dis- 
tributed and they were taught to read. Thirteen were received 
into the East Lyme church, and Mr. Griswold was the faithful 
friend of the tribe until his death in 1761. The school was 
revived in 1742, and Reuben Ely became the teacher. He 
was followed by George Dorr. In 1749 David Latham was 
engaged and he continued in service down to the Revolution. 
To him and Mr. Griswold the enlightened condition of these 


Indians was due. They had no church organization or sepa- 
rate meeting-house. Their schoolhouse had a histor\'. It had 
been built by Gideon Quequawcom and was known as 
"Gideon's mantion house." Its location was within "ye 
middle hundred acres." In 1757 this was in the possession of 
Joseph and Hannah Piancho, and on March i8th they con- 
veyed it to the commissioners with the land for use as a school- 
house. Here all their Indian meetings were held, and Samuel 
Ashbow, Samson Occom and others preached. Philip Cuish 
was a Baptist minister of this tribe, a pious and intelligent 
man. He also did some ministerial service among this people, 
and perhaps more honor is due him than w'e have knowledge 
of. He died in 1780, and some of his descendants removed to 
the^Oneida settlement. This tribe had in the year 1725, 163 
souls; in 1734, 150; in 1774, 104; in 1783,80; in 1830, 17 
and in 1849, ^° — such was their decline. We cannot w^onder 
at it, for they furnished eleven soldiers for the Louisburg expe- 
dition, eighteen in the war of 1755, and a number in the Revo- 
lution. Most of the families lived in a village, which was not 
far from Black Point. In 1761 President Stiles found there 
eleven houses and seven wigwams. ^^ 

The Tunxis Indians at Farmington had a very important 
part in the emigration. The English took them under their 
care when they first bought the lands in that valley. A reser- 
vation was then made for them on what was called Indian 
Neck, and they subsequently acquired other lands so that they 
had about the middle of the eighteenth century 260 acres. 
During these early years the Indian children were received 

^^ Stiles MSS., Yale College, Itin. 1,425. A sketch of George Waukeets wigwam 
is here given by President Stiles. Its ground plan was elliptical. The fire was in 
the center and on three sides around it were sleeping places. On the fourth side 
were two doors some feet apart. Seven persons could lie comfortably in it. Its 
longest diameter was 13 feet, lo^/^ inches, its shortest 9 feet, 9!^ inches, and its height 
was 9 feet, 4 inches. The Indians preferred wigwams for the summer and usually 
stripped them of their covering and left the poles standing from season to season. 


into the town school, but education did not thrive among 
them. In 1732 interest in them was revived. Rev. Samuel 
Whitman then began labors among them, instructing them 
during the following winter with such success "that a number 
were brought to attend his ministry on Lord's days," for which 
he received ;^5 from the missionary society. He also brought 
the matter to the attention of Governor Talcott, who used his 
influence to perfect an arrangement whereby the commis- 
sioners paid for the Indian pupils in the English school. A 
number were then attendants. Particular interest was excited 
in a youth about eighteen years of age, named John Mattawan, 
who had shown himself desirous of obtaining sufficient educa- 
tion to become a minister to his people. They clothed him 
after the English fashion, providing therefor a " Homespun 
Coat, Jacket and Breeches, two Shirts, Stockings, Shoes and 
Hat." This was in May, 1733, and he continued under 
instruction, particularly of Mr. Whitman, until 1737, when he 
became himself the schoolmaster among the Indians, doing 
also some preaching. The Indians themselves built a rude 
schoolhouse for the purpose. The number of pupils had then 
increased from the "nine Indian lads" who attended in 1733, 
of whom Whitman wrote May 27, 1734, "3 can read well in a 
testament, 3 currantly in a psalter and 3 are in their primers." 
Governor Talcott gave the following account of Mattawan's 
school in a letter, January 30, 1737-38, "Our School at Farm- 
ingtown the last sumer under the tuetion of John Tawump [?] 
the Indian Christian hath made very good progress, the lesser 
children I have ordered to be schooled at ye English schole, 
and boarded by the English, all at the expence of this 
Coloney, as they have been several winters past." ^^ John 
Mattawan drops out of notice in 1748, and is believed to have 
died that year. He did a good work in laying the foundations 

12 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll.., V, 39; Conn. Col. Rec, VII, 102, 471, 491, 509; VIII, 6, 


of education and religion in the tribe. In 1751 Mr. Whitman 
died ; and although his successor, Rev. Timothy Pitkin, main- 
tained an interest in the Indians and some youth attended the 
English school, the work for a time declined. 

The original Tunxis stock had nearly died out before this 
work began. In the year 1725 there w^ere only about fifty 
Indians in the town. But about the middle of that century 
they received accessions from the Quinnipiacs of East Haven 
and the Wangunks of Middletow^n. Most prominent among 
the former was Adam, whose children and grandchildren, under 
the name Adams, were strong supporters of the emigration 
movement. James Wowowous and David ,Towsey were either 
of the Wangunk tribe or had married among them, as they 
claimed rights in Middletown lands in 1762. The youth of 
these families obtained an education in the Farmington school. 
These additions revived the strength of the tribe, and they 
made decided advances in civilization. Some of them became 
exemplary Christians, among them Solomon Mossuck, who 
joined the Farmington church in June, 1763, and his wife, 
Eunice, who joined in September, 1765. 

We turn on now to a later period which greatly affected the 
future of this tribe. The story picks up the thread of Joseph 
Johnson's life. After his radical reformation, as related, he 
entered with zeal into missionary work among the Indians. 
Occom had occasionally visited the Christian Indians at Farm- 
ington. In the hut of Solomon Mossuck, the foremost in such 
matters, he held services at many an evening hour. Possibly 
it was thus ihat Johnson was directed. thither. On the 15th 
of November, 1772, he began work there as schoolmaster and 
preacher. His school w-as kept in a small log house situated 
on the Indian lands then known as the " West Woods." A 
number of Indian children were at once gathered. Every 
Sunday he assembled the tribe for worship, and some of his 
sermons then preached are still preserved by the Connecticut 


Historical Society. He was under the pay of the commis- 
• sioners at Boston and the supervision of Rev. Timothy 
Pitkin. His salary was ;^2o a year. On the 2d of December, 
1773, he was married by Rev. Ephraim Judson of Norwich to 
Tabitha, the daughter of Samson Occom, and they established 
a home among the Indians. Probably it was through a visit 
of Olive Occom to her sister that she became the wife of 
Solomon Adams, a grandson of Adam the Quinnipiac. Johnson 
continued in this field until the summer of 1774, when he was 
ordained at Hanover, N. H., on the twenty-fifth of August, in 
the expectation of undertaking a westward mission. Many of 
the Tunxis Indians felt his influence. Converts were made 
under his ministry, and possibly some sort of a covenant organ- 
ization was effected. After his departure these fires were 
kept alive by Samson Occom on his visits thither until 
most of the tribe removed to Stockbridge, Mass., or to the 
Oneida settlement. The people of Farmington have erected 
in their cemetery a monument to these early inhabitants; but 
the grave of one most deserving of honor is not there. Near 
the railway station, on the left of the road leading up from the 
meadows as it turns southward, on the wooded hill are some 
Indian graves. There probably John Mattawan's schoolhouse 
stood, and there sleep the Christian Indians who died in their 
native valley, and among them is a neglected •grave whose 
stone bears the epitaph, "In Memory of Solomon Mossuck 
who died January 25th 1802. Aged 78 years." 

We have already an acquaintance with the missionary 
labors at Montauk, L. I. — the sixth Indian settlement con- 
cerned in the emigration. After David Fowler left the Oneida 
mission in 1767 he was employed at Montauk as schoolmaster 
by the commissioners of the missionary society. His term 
dates from their vote to that effect, December 29, 1767. He 
had a salary of only ^15 a year, and as his family was increas- 
ing, his father being in feeble health, it became necessary for 


him to devote much time to agriculture and fishing. His 
father's house burned also and he lost all his property. In 
consequence there was some complaint that he neglected the 
school, and in 1770 he was succeeded by David Hannibal, 
who was given ^20 a year. Here, however, David Fowler 
continued to live until he took up the pioneer work of the 

It will be noted that Mohegan was about in the center of 
these Indian settlements — a convenient place for Samson 
Occom to live. He was not under the commission of any 
missionary society; but he was in a sense the missionary of 
all the tribes of southern New England. He frequently, also, 
journeyed abroad, to Boston, Providence, New York and 
Philadelphia, and incidentally did much to keep the interest 
in the Indians alive. 

We are about to leave Mohegan, and it may not be amiss to 
look on into its future that the reader may have its completed 
story. It sometimes happens, in the history of missions, that 
a new shoot is grafted into a stem of an older stock. So it 
was at Mohegan. Years passed, and the Indians of Samson 
Occom's generation were gathered in the tribal burial-place on 
the bluff overlooking the Thames. Isaiah Uncas, Wheelock's 
pupil, died April 6, 1770, and the sachemship became extinct. 
The aged co*uncilor, Zachary Johnson, of whom so many inci- 
dents are related, died in 1789. Rev. Samuel Ashbow, who 
continued to live at Mohegan after the emigration and whose 
four sons, Samuel, Simeon, James and John, perished in the 
Revolution, was at length released from his labors in 1795. 
A few of Occom's descendants lingered thereabouts for some 
years. His house stood on the hillside still, a monument of 
the olden time, whither visitors occasionally came to view it, 
and among them the Connecticut antiquary, Barber, to make a 
pencil sketch of it. One only of the old Christian stock 
remained in 1827 — Lucy Tantaquidgeon, the aged sister of 


Samson Occom. She was the only Indian church-member on 
the reservation, and, in the phrase of Father Gleason, " a new 
life was grafted in upon her." 

The division of lands dating from Aug. 5, 1782, had made 
it possible for many to drift away, although this tribe, more 
than almost any other of New England, retained a love for the 
ancestral home. So the Mohegans had gradually diminished 
and come into a condition of deplorable neglect. In 1827, 
however, Miss Sarah L. Huntington of Norwich, with charac- 
teristic missionary zeal, awakened an interest in them.^^ 
A Sabbath-school was first opened in Occom's house, which 
she and her friends taught. On the Fort Hill farm, the land 
being given by the daughter and granddaughter of Occom's 
sister, a small chapel was erected in 183 1, costing about $700, 
which was mostly provided by ladies of the neighboring towns. 
This event Mrs. Sigourney commemorated in her lines : 

Lo ! where a savage fortress frown'd 
Amid your blood-cemented ground, 
A hallowed dome, with peaceful claim, ^ 
Shall bear the meek Redeemer's name. 

At the foot of the hill southward, which probably had been 
the site of the ancient schoolhouse, a week-day school was 
established, and near by a parsonage was built in 1832, with 
funds provided by the United States government, which also 
granted $400 annually for the salary of a teacher. Here Rev. 
Anson Gleason, who had been a teacher among the Choctaws, 
settled in the spring of 1832. A Congregational church was 
formed that year, and in 1835 Mr. Gleason was ordained as 
the minister. Here he remained until 1848, known in all the 
region round about as " Father Gleason." He was a remark- 

13 On this movement see : Memoirs of Mrs. Sarah L. HiDitingtoii Sviith ; De 
Forest's Indians of Cottticcticut, pp. 482-489; The Bostonia1^,^\?^vc\\, \?>c)^, p. 676 
ff ; Barber's Conn. Hist. Collections, pp. 33S-340 ; Contributions to the Ecc. Hist, of 
Cotin., pp. 427, 428 ; and a newspaper, The Uncas Momitncnt, 1S42. 


able man in his place, of a winning personality and sincere 
devotion, well adapted to such missionary labors. His mem- 
ory is revered to this day among the few remaining Mohegans. 
Other ministers followed him. A fund was given by the good 
woman who established this work for its maintenance, which 
others have added to, so that it now amounts to $3,500, and 
the income is employed by the trustee, H. R. Bond, Esq., of 
New London, in watching over the religious interests of those 
Indians and whites who still worship in the remodeled chapel 
on the hill. Lucy Tantaquidgeon, who was born about the 
time the Mohegans emerged from heathenism, witnessed all 
the changes, struggles and labors of a century; and, preserv- 
ing to an extraordinary age the pious impressions which her 
mother had made upon her in childhood and her distinguished 
brother had deepened in maturer life, she at last fell asleep. 



The Indian Charity School having been established at Han- 
over, its founder, Doctor Wheelock, would gladly have revived 
his friendly relations with the Western tribes, but it was impos- 
sible. He had long been supplanted there by Samuel Kirk- 
land, the most successful white missionary of his time. Still, 
the father could not forget his children. Hoping to cultivate the 
good seed he had sown in the Oneida country, he proposed in a 
letter to Samson Occom, January 22, 1771, that he and David 
Fowler should remove thither with their families and become 
teachers among the Six Nations, promising them the same sup- 
port given for that service among the seashore tribes. At the 
time this proposition could not be accepted ; but it may have 
suggested to Occom, already solicitous in regard to the future 
of the Indians in New England, the larger plan for the emigra- 
tion of all the Christian Indians. Surely the design was a de- 
velopment in the mind of Samson Occom and new features 
were added as other reasons for it were presented. As finally 
matured, it included the seven settlements of Indians which 
had come to be associated in missionary operations, viz., those 
at Charlestown, Groton, Stonington, Niantic, Farmington, 
Montauk and Mohegan. This movement is sometimes 
referred to as an emigration of seven tribes. It was not. There 
was no expectation that all of any tribe or in any settlement 
would remove. Only those who had been drawn together by 
Christian influences at first thought of it, though provision was 
afterwards made, necessarily, for such as desired to join them. 

The earliest idea seems to have been to improve their own 



condition by a removal from the corrupting influences about 
them. They also needed lands of larger extent and better 
quality than they then possessed. It had come about, through 
the clever dealings of the whites, that there were very few acres 
in any of these settlements well adapted to agriculture. If 
they must depend upon the soil they wisely concluded that 
they must remove to some unsettled region and take up a new 
claim. Occom, the Fowlers and Joseph Johnson were familiar 
with the Oneida country. They had no doubt that lands could 
be had for the asking from their Indian friends. So a prospect 
of new homes was inviting. As this matter was considered 
further the missionary purpose was added. Occom had long 
held that something beside the missionary was needed among 
the Six Nations — the living example of a Christian community. 
David Fowler had urged upon his patron the introduction of 
agriculture among the Oneidas. So the scheme naturally 
grew to this, that they would establish in the midst of the 
Western Indians such a community " with a view of introducing 
the religion of Jesus Christ by their example among benighted 
Indians in the wilderness, and also of introducing agriculture 
among them." 

Moreover, Occom believed that the Indian never would be- 
come civilized unless he was brought to depend upon the soil 
for subsistence. We can easily see how his missionary expe- 
rience had led him to this conclusion. Yet this end, he thought, 
could not be reached unless the Indian held land which he 
could not alienate, for in his straits he would be unable to 
resist the temptation to sell himself out of house and home. 
Hence he proposed from the first to prevent this disintegra- 
tion of his Indian colony by making such sales impossible. 
The sequel shows how exactly he anticipated the situation. 

The last feature of his plan to be developed concerned the 
government of this new community. It was evident that their 
old tribal relations would be broken up, and they were doubt- 


less glad of it, for they had become too democratic to live 
under a chief. At Mohegan and Charlestown these Indians 
had protested for years against the power exercised by their 
sachems. Still, their hereditary tribal instincts and customs 
could not be ignored. So they decided to form a new tribe, 
governed by such rulers as they might select. Their model 
was the Connecticut town government, with which they were 
familiar. Such a town they would establish, in which they 
would be voters ; and, as they purposed to live together as 
"brothers," they had an appropriate name for their town and 
tribe — Brothertown, which was probably suggested to them 
by Brainerd's settlement of that name, now Indian Mills, Pa. 
They intended also to organize themselves in church estate 
and have a minister who should instruct them in religion. 
How far the surviving Indian town of John Eliot influenced 
Occom in this matter, if at all, it is impossible to state. He 
had visited Natick and was probably acquainted with its bet- 
ter days. The white man's town government certainly fur- 
nished his main ideas, and from a copy of the Connecticut 
statutes, which they took with them, some of their laws were 
borrowed. Occom was unable to carry out his plan in all re- 
spects. Other conditions than those which he had antici- 
pated interposed when at last Brothertown was founded. He 
deserves, however, the credit of having devised a scheme 
which had some original and interesting features. This Indian 
town was unique in our American history. 

The carrying out of this plan was due in large measure to 
Joseph Johnson, the son-in-law of Samson Occom. He had 
an extraordinary energy. He was young and could easily 
travel to and fro, awakening interest in the subject and per- 
fecting arrangements. Withal he was a natural diplomat, 
exhibiting great tact in treating with the Oneidas and in unify- 
ing the relations of the New England tribes. He brought 
Occom's plan into a vigorous life. 


The first move was to have a general gathering of the 
Indians. This was held at Mohegan, March 13, 1773, and 
was attended by men, women and children. We have no 
detailed account of this meeting; but after considerable con- 
sultation in the Indian fashion, it was decided to send repre- 
sentatives, one from each settlement, to look up a suitable 
tract of land in the Oneida country. On account of their 
spring work this proposed visit was delayed ; but Johnson sent 
a messenger to Sir William Johnson to seek his advice. He 
gave them encouragement, and in their behalf sent a message 
to the Oneidas on the matter. That summer he was in the 
east at the seashore and there nine of the Indians waited upon 
him and received his promise to secure for them lands among 
the Oneidas, which was to be effected on his return to Johnson 
Hall in the autumn. Here follows the circular letter sent out 
by Joseph Johnson in the affair : ^ 

Farmington, Ocf^ 13*'' A D 1773. 
This once more, we of this Tribe at Farmington send greeting to all our 
Indian Brethren at Mohegan, Nihantuck, Pequtt, Stonington, Narragansett 
and Montauk, Brethren. We love you, and wish your well-being both in 
this Life and that which is to come. We ask your Serious Attentions a 
Moment. Dear Brethren, with humility we undertake to write you, beging 
that ye would remember the Affair of which we so earnestly talked last 
Spring at the Town of Mohegan. We beg that ye would this once more 
take this Affair under your deliberate Consideration, let it not drop through 
since we have encouragements on every side. We have encouragement 
from His Honour, Sir William Johnson, Baronet, and things look promising, 
let us take Courage friends and let us step forward like men We beg that 
ye would by all means Send a Man out of Each Tribe, that they may go 
with us, and Seek a Country for our Brethren, is it not worth while. Surely 
it is. be so good as to Show yourselves men, for General Johnson Expects 
us at his house [the] last of this month, and if we do not make our appear- 
ance, he will think that we are only talkers, and not worthy of Notice, how 
foolish shall we feel if we be despised by General Johnson. But dear 
Brethren, we will not multiply words, seeing that ye are men, and it is to be 
hoped wise men. Consider of things, and do that which is right, by no 

1 Wheelock Papers, Dart. Coll. ; and Co7in. Hist. Soc.^ Indian Paiers. 


means be discouraged, but dear Brethren, let us put our trust in that God 
who ruleth in the Armies of Heaven, and doeth his pleasure among the 
Inhabitants of this lower World — if God be for us this is Enough, he can 
comfort us Even in a Wilderness. let us consider of our Condirton, let us 
think of our Children, let us think of time to come. We mention these 
things to put you in Remembrance. 

Brethren, if the men chosen last spring be backward to go to the Mohawk 
Country be so good as to Send others in their room, and Encourage one 
another, if Money is scarce, let us try to carry little provisions in our 
Packs, which will be of considerable help, let the men that go try to get the 
good will of the Women and let the kind women make little Yoke-hegg. 
We will try to help them with little Provisions when they go from here, 
our kind W^omen send a word of Encouragement and say that they will 
make little yoke hegg to give to the travellers. 

So we must End. Wishing you all well : and we would beg that those 
men that shall go, come to our town be sure by the 23'^ day of this Month, 
as we purpose to Set of from here the 25"' of October, or of this month. 
Let all Christians pray for us every Day. So farewell. 
We whose Names are underneath are united in those things that are con- 
tained in this Letter. 

Sam^i adamas. Joseph Johnson. 

Andrew Corcemp. Scripsit 

Charles Wimpey. 

Moses Sanchuse. 

Thomas Corcemp. 

Solomon Mosuck 

Daniel mossuck 

At the time appointed, the only messengers who went were 
Joseph Johnson and Elijah Wampyof Farmington. A rumor of 
impending war in that country discouraged the rest from going. 
Five Oneidas met them at Johnson Hall on the twenty-seventh 
of October, and in behalf of their tribe mad^ a gift of lands to 
the New England Indians. A record of this transaction was 
given to Joseph Johnson, and is preserved among the Whee- 
lock papers. These messengers returned in November, and 
Joseph Johnson himself carried their answer through the In- 
dian settlements. The affair had thus progressed so far that 
a conference with the Oneidas was determined on, partly to 
ask for more than the ten miles square which had been prom- 


ised. Samuel Kirkland had advised them that they could as 
easily secure a larger tract. .Again Joseph Johnson sent a 
circular letter to the seven towns, December 24, 1773, urging 
each to send a representative.- This was also signed by some 
of the Tunxis tribe — Solomon Mossuck, Elijah Wampy, Dan- 
iel Mossuck, Andrew Corcomp, Solomon Adams and David 
Robin. The first week of the following January four set out, 
though the ground was covered with snow. Joseph Johnson 
went for Mohegan, Jacob Fowler for Montauk and Groton, 
Samuel Tobias for Charlestown, and Elijah Wampy for Farm- 
ington. Two of these gave out and returned; the other two 
arrived safely at Kanawarohare, where, in the council-house, 
Joseph Johnson delivered the following address :^ 

Kanoarohare, January the 20"', 1774. 
A Speech to the Indians, 

Our dear and well beloved Brethren. It is with much pleasure that 
we see so many of you assembled together at this time, and upon this Occa- 
sion. We give you our great respects, and Sincere Love. We look upon you 
at present as our Elder Brother as a Nation, and Beloved Brethren. We 
pray you to consider of us, hearken to us as a younger Brother, not only 
consider of us as two persons, but view us to be Speaking, or acting for all 
our l^rethren in New England, or at least for Seven towns. We pray you 
to consider Seriously of our Words. Ye old men who are wise, also ye war- 
riors, and young men, yea let children hearken that what we say may not soon 
be forgotten. Brethren, in the first place we will acquaint you of the State & 
Circumstances of our New England Brethren, and we will inform you of 
our Proceedings & purposes. Brethren we in New England, or at least 
many of us are very poor by reason of the Ignorance of our forefathers who 
are now dead. Brethren ye know that the English are a wise People and 
can see great ways, but some say, that Indians cant see but a little ways, 
and we believe that our forefathers could not see but little ways. Brethren, 
ye also know that some English loves to take the advantage of poor blind 
Indians. So it was in the days of our forefathers in New England, but not 
to expose the unjust act of our English Brethren I shall not say much more 

2 Wheelock Papers, Dart. Coll. ; and Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers. 

3 Copies of his addresses in Johnson's handwriting are among the Wheelock Pa- 
pet's ■^.v^d in tlie Conn. Hist. Soc., Indian Papers. The answers are among the Whee- 
lock Papers. 


about them, least I cast a prejudice against tiie English in your hearts, as 
notwithstanding many are unjust amongst the English, yet there are great 
many of them good men, & love the Indians from the bottom of their hearts 
and wishes us all a well being in this World & in the World to come ever- 
lasting Life, but all I have to say about the English at present is this, that 
whilst our forefathers were blind and Ignorant, yea drownded in Liquors 
the English striped them, yea they as it were cut off their right hands, and 
now we their Children just opening their Eyes, and knowledge growing in our 
hearts and just come to our Senses, like a drunken man, I say we now be- 
gin to look around and we perceive that we are Striped indeed, nothing to 
help ourselves. Thus our English Brethren leaves us and laugh. So now 
Brethren we leave the English, those who have acted unjustly toward 
us in New England, and say we leave them all in the hands of that God 
who knoweth all things, and will reward every one according to their deeds 
whether good or evil. 

Brethren we seeing ourselves in such circumstances began last spring to 
consider together and the 13th day of the Last March 1773, ^ Meeting was 
appointed at Mohegan, that being nigh the Center, and there was a vast 
number of People, Men Women & Children. There we met and there we 
consulted together — There was present at the meeting Indians of Seven 
towns and it was proposed that Certain men out of every town should go 
out and Seek a Place somewhere for us Seven towns to settle down together 
in peace. Some were of a mind to go Southward as for as to Ohio, and some 
not so far that way. Some said we could purchase land nigher and it would 
not do to live so far from the English. At last it came into our minds to 
try to purchase some land from some of the Six nations. So a time was 
appointed by our great men, our Councilers & teachers that these chosen 
men should go forth one out of every town to Seek a place for us to settle 
on, and as our Spring work was coming on, our head men thought proper 
that those chosen men should not go till the hurrying work was over, that 
is after mowing & reaping, and as it pleased the Tribes to chose me for 
one that should come into these parts, to try to get some land upon some 
terms, I thought proper to send to his Honour Sir William Johnson for ad- 
\ ice in this affair, and I wrote a letter to Sir William and acquainted hmi 
of all our circumstances and our desires & purposes, and it pleased His 
Honor to take notice of us and sent back a word of Encouragement which 
made our hearts glad, and about the time that we was to come up, his Honor 
Sir WiHiam Johnson was down in that part of the Country, which hindered 
us from coming up. There we had opportunity to speak with his Honor Sir 
William, 9 of our countrymen went to see Sir William, and he used us very 
kindlv, and still gave us Encouragement. So we have been encouraged 
from time to time, also Sir William Johnson appointed a time for some of 


our Countrymen to come up in these parts and that was last fall It pleased 
Sir William to tell us that he would help us as much as he could & advise us 
in the affair. And according to the advice of his Honor some of us came to 
His house last fall, and he received us gladly to his house & showd us great 
respect, two of us came up, the reason we supposed that no more came up 
to his Honors house was this. We heard that it was dangerous times. We 
heard that there was a considerable talk of war amongst the Indians in 
these parts, which discouraged many of our Brethren. But when we came 
to Sir William's, he informed us otherwise, also he told us the Message 
which you Oneidas sent down to him, for which he was glad, and our minds 
was disposed to come even to this town to converse with you more particu- 
larly, but according to your desire & the advice of Sir William we returned 
back from Sir William's after he had acquainted us of your good will. At 
that time Sir W^illiam delivered to us few lines so as we might shew it to our 
New England Brethren. In them few lines was contained the answer which 
you made to Sir William's Message sent to you by Saghuagarat one of your 
Chiefs, concerning the Intention of our New England Brethren of remov- 
ing to this part of the World if consistent with the minds of you our Elder 
Brethren, not only consistent with your minds, but also the mind of His 
Honor Sir W^illiam. Yea here in my hand is the writing drawn from the 
Records of his Honor Sir William, which if you pleace ye may hear so as 
things past may be fresh in your memory again. . . . 

This Paper or writing I carried with my own hand through six towns of 
Indians in New England, and at every town I called the People together 
both Small and great, Male and female, and they received the good news 
with great Joy. I did not go to the 7th town, by reason of the inconveniency 
of going by water, and also my Business called me to be at home, so I made 
as much haste as possible. However they have heard of your goodwill and 
purposed to send one from that tribe but the wind perhaps was contrary so 
as he could not get over to the Main. From the town where I live at pres- 
ent we sent a young man down to our Brethren a few days before we sat 
away to stir thern up or to awake them, and to tell them that the time is 
drawing nigh when we should go to visit our Western Brethren, and to dis- 
course with them more particularly, so as we might be fully satisfied what 
to do in the next place, how we shall take the next step. But our Brethren 
thought it not necessary to send great many at this time the reason is this, 
because there is a great body of snow on the face of the Earth, which would 
hinder them from seeing the ground. If there was no Snow doubtless some 
of our Elder Brethren would now be present at this meeting to converse 
with you, but my friends we hope that ye will not be angry at us because 
there is no more of us come to this place. There was four of us, from four 
different towns set away together, but two of Our Companions gave out, the 


one his hip failed him, the other his back, and they returned, we dont know 
how it is with them. But God who is good and doeth good continually 
gave us health and strength, and prospered us in the way and hath safely 
brought us to this place, and art now allowing us an opportunity to see your 
faces in Comfort, and to converse with you in peace at this time. So to 
him we give our thanks at this time for all his goodness towards us. We 
rejoice that God gave us favour in the Eye of His Honor Sir William 
Johnson, and we rejoice that God gave us favour in your Eyes, and we are 
glad to hear that ye found it in your hearts to pity us and our Brethren in 
New England when ye heard of our Circumstances. And not only we 
thank you, but all our BretTiren in New England give you their hearty 
thanks, Yea we have reason to rejoice. We thought to purchase land of 
you, but we are glad that it is in your hearts to give us land, yea we thank 
you that ye have given us so much already. 

Brethren, this Silver pipe was sent to me & the tobacco pouch with it to 
d-spose of according to the advise of Sir William Johnson, and His Honour 
Sir William received us gladly at this time also and he told me to deliver 
the Pipe to the Chiefs at the meeting, and to let it be kept in the Council 
house continually, so at your assemblies ye might look on it, & smoke out 
of it, & remember us New England Indians. Sir William also said per- 
haps ye would think it odd if there was no tobacco in the pouch, so he was 
pleased to put some in, and sent it to you Chiefs that this day ye may 
smoke out of the Silver pipe. So now I deliver this pipe as a token from 
our Several Tribes in New England, that we are one and sincere in what 
we say & do. And now our Elder Brethren we have told you of our pro- 
ceedings & all we desire at present is to know whether you are of the same 
mind as Ever, whether your Love and pity is the same. So our dear 
Brethren these few words we leave you to consider of at present, and then 
we shall tell you of little more to consider of. 

The first answer of the Oneida Indians was delivered the 
next day. It recognized the New England Indians of the 
seven towns as brethren, and inquired as to the number who 
were intending to remove. To this Johnson replied in a 
second address as follows : 

Our dear Bcethren, what we have further for you to consider of is this, 
our Purposes or our Design if God willing, this I know my Elder Brethren, 
that we may consult together and agree to do so «S: so. Vet if i' is not the 
mind of God all our Councils & purposes will come to nought, or all will be 
in vain. But if it please God & He open your hearts to pity us & to receive 
us as a younger IJrother & help us indeed, we purpose and design to come 


up and settle together in Peace, where you shall think fit and where it will 
be most agreeable for us. All we desire is to live in peace & to have things 
Convenient. If we cant have land enough we cant have things Convenient. 
We all have little land in New England, but it is very poor the greatest 
part. So there we cant have things convenient, that is many of us, and 
Some are obliged to turn their hands this way & that way to get a Liveli- 
hood. The town to which I belong is good land, and we have sufficient at 
present. We could live there this hundred years yet, if we increased. But 
we are willing at least some of us to come up and settle down together with 
our Brethren in peace. True the great drinkers & Lazy Persons are back- 
ward in coming in these parts but we are willing to leave them there. 

Brethren we ought all to adoar God for his goodness to us from day to 
day and we ought to bless him that he is allowing us this opportunity to 
assemble ourselves together this once more in this house to consult to- 
gether a little about the affairs of this World. 

Brethren I am very glad that my Ears have heard those things which I 
have heard from you, in your Consultations since we have been in your 
town, and as perhaps this is the last time, that I shall speak to you my 
Elder Brother, be so kind as to hearken to the words of your younger 
Brother who would speak this once more in the Name of the seven towns in 
New England. First, I return you my hearty thanks my Elder Brothers 
that ye have considered of me on my Brethren in New-England and I 
rejoice that ye find in your hearts Love still remaining there, & pity towards 
your younger Brethren in New England. I thank you that ye have so 
deliberately considered of those few words which we desired you to con- 
sider, and we thank you for your kind answer which ye gave to us, & to our 
Brethren in New England. We thank you that ye have taken us to be your 
younger Brethren and that ye look upon us to be of the same Blood as your- 
selves, and we thank you that ye have received us to your Body, So that now 
we may say we have one head & one heart, & may God keep us united 
together indeed untill we Both grow white headed, and may we sit together 
in Peace in Gods own time. And now Brethren we thank you that accord- 
ing to our desire ye have been pleased to assemble yourselves together this 
once more, and my Elder Brother, 1 have but a word to tell you of to which 
I beg ye would take under your deliberate consideration. Brother, ye was 
pleased last fall to give us an Encouragement of lo miles Square, for which 
we all was glad. But in our Consultations we thought that that was not 
quite sufficient. Perhaps we should soon clear so much, perhaps directly 
or right way, then we should have to look somewhere else for our children 
to live, but our Elder Brother ye know that it is a hard thing for Parents & 
children to separate, and we desire to live together if it please God our 
Creator, and Brethren if it please you to give us Sufficient for us and our 


Children after us, if you please to give us more land it will gladen the hearts 
of many Poor Indians in New England. We are glad that ye have so much 
at your disposal. We could tell you what our Brethren in New England 
desire, but thus much I have to say at present. 

On the following day towards evening, January twenty-sec- 
ond, the second answer was delivered. At the risk of being 
thought to make unimportant matters conspicuous, we give 
this in full, for it shows clearly that the New England In- 
dians were adopted by the Six Nations, as they have since 
asserted in the case of " The New York Indians against the 
United States: " 

Well Brethren, harken unto us, this day we have assembled ourselves 
together again, to consult together, a little about the affairs of this World. — 
But tomorrow is the Lords day, which he hath made, and set apart for his 
own Service. Brethren, we rejoice in the goodness of God, who hath pre- 
served us all our Life-time, and hath brought us to see the light of this dav 
of Peace, and we rejoice, that God is allowing us this opportunity of 
assembling ourselves together this once more, and we are glad that we are 
suffered to see the faces of each other in Comfort, and as we are short- 
sighted Creatures, we are sensable, that w^e stand in need of Gods help : 
We desire that God would direct u«, and lead us to such Conclusions as 
will be most pleasing to Him concerning this affa'r which has been laid 
before us for our Consideration, and now our Brethren, We the Chiefs and 
Lords of this Place, also warriors, and all in this Assembly, are about to 
give you an Answer, concerning the Affair, which you laid before the Coun- 
cil yesterday. Brethren, we understood all that you said yesterday. But 
we are somewhat forgetful, our Memories cant retain for a long time what 
we hear: and altho we cant remember every word, yet very likely the prin- 
ciple, or the substance of your Speech is rooted in our Understanding, and 
considering Parts that is rooted and fixed in our Hearts. We well remem- 
ber what you said concerning the English, and we arc sorry to hear the low 
Circumstances into which ye are involved in owing to the Ignorance of 
your forefathers. We are glad to hear of your proceedings hitherto, ^^'e 
remember that you said you acquainted Sir William Johnson of the State 
and Circumstances that ye were in, also we remember that you said, that 
Sir William was pleased with the design, and advised you in the affair, and 
gave you Encouragement. — Brethren, Sir William also acquainted us of 
your Desires, or Intentions of removing to this part of the Country, and as 
soon as we was enformed of your Circumstances, we took the Message that 


Sir William Johnson sent to us on your behalf under our Considerations, 
and Brethren we were all glad, our Great men, Lords, Warriors, and young 
men, yea even Women and Children rejoiced to hear that ye were disposed 
to come and settle in these parts. Brethren, perhaps it was the Lord that 
steared your minds this way. Maybe it is his will and pleasure that ye 
should come up here, and live side of us, your Brethren. Brethren, we that 
are in this Council profess to be good or Religious Men, so ye may put con- 
fidence in us, or believe what we say unto you. Be of good Courage Breth- 
ren, the Lords of this Place would have you to be of firm minds, be not 
discouraged for all the Inhabitants of this Place are very glad that ye are 
come to this Town, and we all rejoice to hear from you at this time, that 
your Brethren in New-England are still disposed to come up in these parts 
to live, and now Brethren, we receive you into our Body as it were, now we 
may say we have one head, one heart and one Blood, now Brethren our 
lives are mixed together, and let us have one Ruler, even God our Maker, 
Who dwells in Heaven above, who is the father of us all. Brethren, we are 
sensable that the Devil is never Idle, but is ever busy, and if the Evil spirit 
stirs up any Nation whatsoever or Person against you and causes your 
Blood to be spilt we shall take it as if it was done unto us, or as if they 
spilt the blood from our own Bodies, and we shall be ever ready to defend 
you and help you or be ready to protect you according to our Abilities, and 
now Brethren, as we expect that ye will come, and live side of us in short 
time. We , would tell you as Brothers our principle, or Custom in these 
parts. Brethren, two things, we six united Nations do follow, the first and 
Chief is Religion, or to follow the directions given to us in Gods Word, the 
second is to concur with the Unchristianized Nations so far as will promote 
Peace, and Tranquility in our I^and. Brethren, this we ought to do that 
Religion might grow, and flourish in these Parts, and Brethren, we shall 
expect that ye will assist us in advising us concerning the affairs that may 
be brought under our consideration when ye shall live side of us your 
Brothers, and Brethren, it is hoped that we both shall be disposed ever to 
help one another in cases of Necessity, so long as we shall live together, 
as for us Brethren we have already resolved to Endeavour to do all things 
as becometh Brothers, and so much as in us lies with Justice, and Equity 
so long as we shall sit together, and now Brethren, here is your Elder 
Brothers the Tuskaroras, we say your elder Brothers, because they came 
here before you, and because they came from a greater distance, these your 
elder Brothers, will live next to you, or side of you, and they are an under- 
standing people, yea we are ready to say that they are become wiser than 
us Onoidas in considering of affairs of great importance. Brethren you see 
that these Tuskaroras are now white headed by reason of Age, and with 
these our Brothers we have sat together in Peace even from our Infancy. 


Well Brethren, we hope that we shall live together in peace untill we see 
each other white headed. Brethren, your Ears must not be open to hear 
flying Stories and you must not let prejudice arise in your hearts too quick, 
this is the way or Custom likewise of us Six united Nations, not to regard 
any evil minded Person or Persons who are contrary to Peace. Brethren, 
we look upon you as upon a Sixth Brother. We will tell you of all your 
elder- Brothers, the Onoidas, Kiyougas, Nanticuks, Tuskaroras, Todele- 
honas, these five are your Elder Brothers. But as for the Mohawks, 
Onondangas and Senecas they are our fathers, and they are your fathers. 
Brethren in the Spring we shall expect you here again, then we will shew 
you a place to settle on. Brethren, here is your Silver pipe and it shall be 
done with according to Orders." thus much we have to say at present, 
accept our words, tho it is but little that we have said. Brethren, we say 
this once more, that we are very glad to see you in our Town, and now 
Brethren, We the Chiefs and Lords of this Place, also Warriors and young 
men give our kind respects and Sincere love to our Brethren in New Eng- 
land that live in those Seven Towns, that are disposed to come this way. 
We say we give our loves to the old men, your Councilers and teachers, 
and to all the young men, also we give our love to all the Women old and 
young, and to all Children. Brethren, very likely several of our Chiefs will 
accompany you as far as to Sir William Johnson's and there Brothers we 
will confirm all our words, and rectify our Mistakes, if we have made any, 
there alone is the place to have all things done well, done strong and done 
sure. So Brethren, this is the End of our Answer. 

The third answer was delivered on the Monday following, 
January twenty-fourth. It also is important as showing that 
the Oneidas purposed to grant their brethren a considerable 
tract of land : 

Brethren, since we have received you as Brothers, we shall not confine 
you or pen you up to Ten Miles square : We have much Land at our dis- 
posal, and you need not fear that you shall not have Land sufficient for you, 
and for your Children after you. We would have you to fix your Minds 
here, and here alone, and when ye come to live up here, we desire that ye 
would not hearken to the invitations of other Nations, who may invite you 
to go farther back. iJrethren, we say let your minds be at ease, be not 
troubled but come, and settle down in Peace, and live in peace for ever. 
I^rothers, we understand that ye purpose to go homewird tomorrow; but 
I'rothers, dont take it hard, we think that ye must continue with us two 
days longer, the reason is this. Some of the Chiefs, or heads of the Six 
Nations, are coming up from Sir Williams with a Speech from his Honor, 


and we think that it will not be handsome or that it would not be so well 
for us to meet them in the woods. We think that it would be best for us to 
see them here in this Council house, also we think that it would be very 
proper for you to be here when Sir Williams speech will be delivered as it 
is concerning you, and your New England Brethren, this is all that we 
have to say at present. 

Thus the council broke up, and Joseph Johnson and his 
companion set out to return home, having- been at Kanawaro- 
hare eight days.^ They were attended to Johnson Hall by 
twelve of the Oneida chiefs who in Sir William Johnson's 
presence ratified their pledge of eternal friendship for the New 
England Indians. 

So far the affair had progressed favorably. Johnson returned 
to his school at Farmington, where he had hired a substitute 
in his absence. He was then busy preparing himself for ap- 
proval as a minister under the encouragement of Doctor Whee- 
lock. As the summer drew near it was arranged that Samson 
Occom and David Fowler, in behalf of the seven towns, should 
go to Oneida and view the land, and that Joseph Johnson 
should join them there after he had received approbation. 
With this purpose he attended the Commencement at Dart- 
mouth College. The day after it, the ministers who happened 
to be present proceeded to his examination. The following is 
their testimonial : ^ 

These may certify all whom it may concern that Joseph Johnson, an 
Indian of the Mohegan Tribe in Connecticut has offered himself before us, 
who were providentially together, for Examination as a Candidate to preach 
the Gospel, with a principal View to the IJenefit of his own Nation — We 
have examined him as to his Knowledge and Understanding in the Doc- 
trines of the Gospel and Experimental Religion and other Accomplishments 
Needful for Usefulness among his own Nation and also the Churches in a 
christian Land where in Providence he may be called and have opportunity 

^Wheelock Papers, Lett. Johnson to Wheelock, May 2, 1774. Johnson's passport 
is dated at Johnson Hall, Feb. 5, 1774. — Conn. Hist. Soc , Indian Papers. 
° Wheelock Papers, Dart. Coll. 


to preach — We are well satisfied as to his Qualifications and heartily 

recommend him for s'^ Purpose. 

Dartmouth College 

in New Hampshire y'" 25 of Aug 1774 

Lemuel Hedge, Pastor of Warwick 
Jeremy Belknap, Dover 
JosiAH Dana, Hutchinson 
Isaiah Potter, Lebanon 
William Conant, Lime 
Sylvanus Ripley, Missionary 

To this document there was also appended a recommenda- 
tion by Eleazar Wheelock, president of Dartmouth College, 
Benjamin Pomeroy, pastor at Hebron, and Eden Burroughs, 
pastor at Hanover. In the afternoon the young Indian 
preached to a Commencement assembly. Of this occasion he 
says, " I preached yesterday in the afternoon at the College 
Hall and after the exercise was over they made general con- 
tribution and I had thirty Dollars given to me by the Gentle- 
men who came here commencement. I am going to set off for 
the Mohawk Country this Day and I shall come back as soon 
as ever I can." Doctor Wheelock says that this exercise was 
performed " to universal satisfaction," and testifies to the 
ability which Johnson displayed in this trying ordeal. He had 
only received approbation, with a view of being ordained later, 
which his early death prevented. 

.Samson Occom and David Fowler set out for Oneida on the 
eighth of July and safely arrived at Kanawarohare at dusk on 
the twenty-fourth. Here again Occom and Kirkland met. The 
former in his diary says, "we embraced each other with joy." 
The latter also in his journal records the meeting. " Mr. Oc- 
com with his brother-in-law, D'^ Fowler arrived here, who are 
come upon a friendly visit to the Indians.' It was more than 
two months before the formal Treaty between the Oneidas 
and the New England Indians was held. Meanwhile they 
viewed the lands and settled its boundaries, and by friendly 
intercourse sought to strengthen their relations with their new- 


ly-adopted brethren. In due time Joseph Johnson arrived. On 
the 4th of October the Oneidas transferred to them by a deed 
of gift, so called, a considerable tract of land lying west of the 
" Property Line." 

By Guy Johnson Esq^ Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern 
Department of North America &c &c. — 

\Yhereas, The Indians of Mohegan Naraganset Montock, Pequods of 
Groton and of Stonington, Nahantick, Farmington, Inhabiting within the 
New England Governments, Did Last Year represent that they Were Very 
much Streightened and Reduced to Such small Pittance of Land that they 
could no longer remain there and Did through the Channell of Sir, William 
Johnson Bar^ late Superintendent Apply to the Six Nations for some lands 
to Live on Which was at Length agreed to in my Presence at the last 
Treaty and a Tract alloted them by the Oneidas, And Whereas Some of 
them have since in Company with the Oneida Chiefs view'd the said lands 
and Determined on its Boundary as followes desireing a Certificate of the 
Same and that it might be Entered on the Records of Indian Affairs, Viz. 
Beginning at the West End of the Scaniadaris, or the long Lake which is at 
the Head of One of the Branches of Orisca Creek and from thence about 
twelve Miles Northerly or so far that an Easterly Course from a Certain 
point on the first Mentioned Course Shall Intersect th^ Road or path lead- 
ing from Old Oneida to the German Fflats Where the said Path Crosses 
Scanindowa Creek Running into the Oneida Lake. Then the Same Course 
Continued to the Line Settled as the Limits between the Province of New 
York and the Indians at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 176S, thence South- 
erly along the said Line about thirteen Miles or so far as that a Westerly 
Line from thence keeping one Mile South of the Most Southerly Bend of 
Orisca Creek Shall Reach the Place of Beginning so as to Comprehend the 
Lake first Mentioned — I Do therefore in Compliance With the Joint Request 
of the said Oneidas and New England Indians Declare that the Said Oneidas 
Do Grant to the said New England Indians and there Posterity for Ever 
Without Power of Alienation to any Subject the Afore Described Tract 
with its Appu-rtenances in the Amplest Manner. Also full Liberty of 
Hunting all sorts of Game throughout the Whole Country of the Oneidas, 
Beaver Hunting only Excepted. With this Particular Clause or Reserva- 
tion that the same shall not be Possessed by any Persons Deemed of the 
said Tribes Who are Decended from or have Intermixed with Negroes 
and Mulattoes. 

Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms at Guy Park, October the 4"* 

[Seal] G. Johnson 


We the Chiefs Do in Testimony of the foregoing Affix the Character of 
our Tribes unto the Day and Year above Mentioned — 

The mark of \ *, The mark ( Canade- 

\f Ughmyonge -U^ gowns 

Themark of ^>V.Conxh- Wolf J\^ of * 

a ihe n 

^NyConxh- \V 
J I queifoh 

Turtle iL Bear 

Recv* 4"' Feb''> A D. 17S5 and here Recorded 

George Wyllys, Secret. 

The great practical difficulty of securing sufficient funds to 
carry forward the emigration had yet to be met. Joseph 
Johnson had already contracted personal debts in the cause. 
His first thought apparently had been to issue an address, 
"To all generous, free-hearted and Publick spirited Gentle- 
men," asking for aid, as a draft of such a document is extant.® 
He had petitioned the Connecticut General Assembly for 
assistance, and had received therefrom £(y as a contribution." 
Having further assistance in view, he visited New York, where 
a friend was raised up in Rev. Dr. John Rodgers, the successor 
of Rev. David Bostwick, an early friend of the Oneida mis- 
sion. Here Johnson preached several times, and collections 
were taken which relieved him of debt and provided a balance 
for his future maintenance. Thus encouraged, he w^ent among 
the Indians of the seven towns exhibiting the deed of the 
Oneida lands, and preaching the emigration as one might a 
crusade. He wrote Dr. Rodgers thus of his success : " They 
are engaged to go on in prosecution of the design which I 
made known to you and we purpose to set off from hence 
[Mohegan] or from these parts the 13th of March next. I 
believe that there will be upwards of 60 young men from the 
several tribes who wdll go as first settlers of land granted to 
us by the Oneidas. However there is 58 able working men 

^ Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers. 

"> Conn. Arch., Indians, II, 30S ; Conn. Col. Rec.^ XIV, 314. 


on whose word I believe we can rely. From Mohegan lo. 
From Narragansett 20. From Montauk 13. From Nehantic 
5. From Farmington 10=^:58, & there are other tribes so 
deeply in debt that they cannot go this season, but fully 
intend to go soon as possible, i. e. Groton & Stonington. I 
was there last Thursday &: conversed with them. Mr. Occom 
will preach there next Sunday, & he will propose conditions to 
them & their creditors, so they may go. . . . It is thought best at 
first that those who can endure hardships go & prepare the 
way & prepare a shelter for themselves to live in & to raise 
somewhat to eat & then move with their families, & then have 
the aged men & women go leaning upon their sons as it 

At the same time he wrote Doctor Wheelock to the same 
effect. The encouragement he had received from his patron 
may be inferred from the following paragraph in the Narrative 
of that year : "And this Prospect is yet further, I think, much 
increased, by the proposed Removal of the principal Indians 
of the Tribe at Montauck, with all the christianized and civi- 
lized Indians of the several Towns in New-England, to settle 
in a Body in the Heart of the Country of the Six Nations, 
which is expected to be effected next Summer. This is in 
Consequence of an Application, made under the Countenance, 
Assistance and Direction of Sir William Johnson, by Mr. 
Occom, Joseph Johnson, Jacob Fowler and others delegated 
by the several Tribes for that Purpose. In Consequence of 
which, they have obtained and well secured a Tract of choice 
Land, Fifteen or Twenty Miles square, where they design to 
settle in a Body, as a civilized and christian People, and cul- 
tivate those Lands for their Subsistence ; and also by them, 
as soon and as far as they shall be able, to support all Divine 
Ordinances and Schools among them ; and invite their Savage 
Brethren to an imitation of them, and a Participation of all 

Wheelock Papers^ Lett. Feb. 15, 1773. 


these Benefits and Privileges with them. They purpose to 
have, as far as may be, of their own Sons for Ministers and 
School-Masters. . . . And from this Place, their Ministers may 
with much less Expence, make Excursions among the Tribes 
round about them, and their School will be near and con- 
venient to receive the Children of such as shall desire a Chris- 
tian Education for them."^ This extract truly represents the 
general sentiment of approval with which the emigration was 
regarded by all friends of the Indians. 

When the spring opened — and it may have been on the thir- 
teenth of March, as they had planned — the first company of 
emigrants set out for their new home. How many there were, 
and what their fortunes were on the way, we cannot tell. 
Joseph Johnson, David Fowler and Elijah Wampy were 
among them, as were John Skeesuck, James Shattocks and 
Samuel Tallman, not so well known to us. The last was 
one of Wheelock's Delaware Indian pupils, who had since 
lived among the New England tribes. Probably they carried 
out their purpose of sending the younger men on in advance. 
They arrived safely in the Oneida country, and immediately 
set about building log huts in that wide expanse of wilderness, 
making gardens and planting corn-fields. All might have gone 
as they had planned had it not been for the war-cloud which 
burst in all its fury that spring over the New England colonies. 
These Indians heard the sound of the patriot's gun, though they 
were far away. 

One of the most serious concerns which faced the colonies 
in the early days of the Revolution was as to the attitude 
of the Six Nations. Many have known that the Oneidas 
remained faithful to the patriots, notwithstanding the strenu- 
ous efforts which were made to alienate them ; but no one has 
ever given credit to the Christian Indians of New England for 
this, to whom it belongs no less than to Samuel Kirkland. 

^ Wheelock's Narrative^ 1775, pp. 15, 16. 


They had reached Oneida at the opportune time, and their 
voices were at once raised in behalf of their white friends. 
It was they who inspired the "Declaration of Neutrality," 
addressed to the four New England Provinces by the Oneidas 
and dated June 19, 1775. We think, indeed, that one of 
their number wrote it. They certainly carried it eastward. 
It begins thus : "As my younger Brothers of the New England 
Indians who have settled in our Vicinity are now going down 
to visit their Friends, & to move up Parts of their Families 
that were left behind, with this belt by them I open the Rode 
wide, clearing it of all Obstacles that they may visit their 
Friends & return to their settlement here in Peace." ^'^ At 
that date Joseph Johnson was on his way to New York, where 
he presented a petition to the Provincial Congress on the twen- 
ty-first and received £\o New York currency.^^ In this he 
states that some had already returned to New England and 
three more were to follow him to New York for whom he 
requested a passport. These were John Skeesuck, James 
Shattocks and Samuel Tallman, and some days afterwards 
they joined him. Possibly they were the bearers of the 
"Declaration of Neutrality," which contained welcome news. 
Some, however, did not return, but held their post in Oneida. 
Foremost among these was David Fowler, the early teacher at 
Kanawarohare. Johnson also received from the Provincial 
Congress a message to the Oneidas. He went on to Mohegan 
and on the seventeenth of July set out to carry it. Again he 
was in New York August twenty-sixth and on the eleventh of 
September received a pass from the Committee of Safety — 
"having given proof of his attachment to the cause of American 
Liberty." ^^ After this he returned to Oneida. He had not lost 
sight of his mission as a preacher among the Six Nations, and 

^^ Mass. Archives, Vol, 144, pp. 311, 312. Conn. Col. Rec.,-KW, roo. 
11 A^. Y. Archives, Rev. I, 102. 
'- Wheelock Papers. 


it was the necessity of raising funds for this work which brought 
him again to New England late in the autumn. In the January 
following he visited Col. John Phillips at Exeter, N. H., who 
gave him substantial encouragement. He was also at Ports- 
mouth. The letter he bore from Rev. David McClure to Doctor 
Wheelock when he departed says : " His coming this way was 
as welcome as it was unexpected. I receive him as an old 
acquaintance but very happily made more valuable by distin- 
guished grace — the good effects of which are very manifest in 
him. ... It must afford you joy that this your pupil, 
whom once if I mistake not you was ready to weep over as lost 
is now walking in the truth." ^^ On the sixteenth of the month 
he appeared before the New Hampshire General Assembly, 
and received from them a testimonial signed by M. Weare, 
the president, commending him "not only as a Friend to the 
Cause of American Liberty, but as a modest, discreet, sensible 
Man, whose Influence among the Indian Nations has been 
^ may be very serviceable to the Colonies," to which also 
an address to the Six Nations was appended. ^^ He was 
instructed "to use his utmost endeavors to brighten the chain 
of friendship which has for many years past subsisted between 
us and them." Thence he went to Hanover. ^^ Doctor Whee- 
lock wrote a letter, dated January twenty-ninth, recommending 
him to General Washington at Cambridge. This he presented 
on the twentieth of February, going thither by the way of Mohe- 
gan. General Washington sent by him the following message to 
the Six Nations, the original of which is among the Wheelock 
Papers : 

Sir. • 

I am very much pleased to find by the strong recommendations you pro- 
duce, that we have among our Brothers of the Six Nations a person who 

w Wheelock Papers, Lett. Portsmouth, Jan. 8, 1776. 
"The original is among the Wheelock Papers. 

" He preached there the funeral sermon of Levi Washburn, Jan. 23rd. — Chase's 
Hist, of Dart. Coll., p. 352. 


can explain to them the sense of their Brothers on the dispute between us 
and the Ministers of Great Britain. You have seen a part of our Strength, 
and can inform our Brothers that we can withstand all the force which 
those who want to rob us of our Lands and our Homes can send against us. 

You can tell our friends that they may always look upon me, whom the 
Whole United Colonies have chosen to be their Chief Warrior, as their 
brother; whilst they continue in Friendship with us, they may depend upon 
mine and the protection of those under my command. 

Tell them that we dont want them to take up the hatchet for us except 
they chuse it ; we only desire that they will not fight against us, we want 
that the chain of friendship should always remain bright between our 
friends of the Nations and us. Their attention to you will be a proof to us 
that they wish the same. We recommend you to them, and hope by your 
spreading the truths of the Holy Gospel amongst them, it will contribute to 
keep the chain so bright, that the malicious insinuations or practices of our 
Enemies will never be able to break this Union, so much for the benefit of 
our Brothers of the Six Nations and of us — And to prove to them that this 
is my desire and of the Warriors under me, I hereto Subscribe my name at 
Cambridge this 20^'^ day of February 1776 

Go. Washington. 

Mr. Joseph Johnson. 

It was doubtless also at this time that he received the ad- 
dress of Samson Occom to his Indian brethren urging them to 
maintain neutrality. It is as follows : 

Beloved Brethren 

I Rejoice to hear, that you keep to your Promise, that you will not med- 
dle with the Family Contentions of the English, but will be at peace and 
quietness. Peace never does any hurt. Peace is from the God of Peace 
and Love, and therefore be at Peace among yourselves, and with all men, 
and the God of Peace Dwell with you. Jesus Christ is the Prince of Peace, 
he is the Peace Maker, if all Mankind in the World Believed in Jesus 
Christ with all their Hearts, there wou'd be no more Wars, they would live 
as one Family in Peace. Jesus Christ said to his Disciples just before he 
left them. Peace I leave with you, my Peace I give unto you, not as the 
World giveth give I unto you, and again, a New Command I give unto you 
that ye Love one another. Now Consider, my Beloved Brethren who is the 
Author of these Bloody wars. Will God Set his People to kill one another.? 
You will certainly say No. Well, who then makes all this Mischief.? 
Methinks I hear you all say, the Devil, the Devil,— so he is, he makes all 
the Contentions as he sows the Seeds of Discord among the Children of 


men and makes all the Mischief in the World. — Yet it is right for the 
Peaceable to Defend themselves when wicked People fall upon them with- 
out Reason or Cause, then they can look up to Heaven to their God and 
he will help them. 

I will now give you a little insight into the Nature of the English Quar- 
rils over the great Waters. They got to be rich, I mean the Nobles and 
the great, and they are very Proud and they keep the rest of their Brethren 
under their Feet, they make Slaves of them. The great ones have got all 
the Land and the rest are poor Tenants — and the People in this Country 
live more upon a leavel and they live happy, and the former Kings of Eng- 
land use to let the People in this Country have their Freedom and Liberty ; 
but the present King of England wants to make them Slaves to himself, 
and the People in this Country don't want to be Slaves, — and so they are 
come over to kill them, and the People here are oblig'd to Defend them- 
selves, they dont go over the great Lake to kill them. And now I think 
you must see who is the oppresser and who are the oppressed and now I 
think, if you must join on one way or other you cant join the oppresser, 
but will help the oppressed. But let me conclude with one word of Advice* 
use all your Influence to your Brethren, so far as you have any Connections 
to keep them in Peace and quietness, and not to intermeddle in these 
Quarrils among the White People. The Lord Jesus Christ says. Blessed 
are the Peacemakers, for they shall be called the Children of God. 
This with great Love is from 

Your True Brother 

Samson OccomI^ 

Joseph Johnson, being thus commissioned by the highest 
authorities to carry messages of peace to the Indians, and as 
he says in a letter being " heartily engaged to go and preach 
the glad tidings of the gospel of Jesus Christ to my western 
Brethren," turned his footsteps again westward. Here he 
disappears from view as many another Indian has on the trail. 
He was detained at Mohegati by the illness of his wife, and it 
must have been early in the summer ere he set out. David 
Fowler, who was still in the wilderness, wrote encouraging 
words to Samson Occom on the 14th of August, of the neutral- 
ity of the Indians and the health of their company.^" We con- 

1" Co7in. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers. 
1^ Ibid. 


jecture that Johnson was then among them or in that region on 
his mission. On some unknown day within a few months, this 
remarkable young missionary, then only twenty-four years old, 
in whom there was ability most honorable and courage illustri- 
ous, was laid to rest in an unmarked grave. The only obituary 
we have met with is in the postscript of a letter from Rev. 
David McClure to Doctor Wheelock, in which he says, " The 
Churches this way who had a taste of Mr. Johnson's ministerial 
Gifts feel for the public in the loss of that zealous, pious and 
very promising Indian Preacher."^^ So ended the life of that 
pupil in the Indian Charity School, who was thought at one 
time to prove the futility of attempts to educate native mis- 

^^ Wheelock Papers^ Lett. North Hampton, May 8, 1777. 



The part which the Christian Indians of New England took 
in the American Revolution should win them lasting honor 
among patriots. In that conflict their settlements were 
wasted, their habits demoralized and the flower of their youth 
perished. The future of those who had emigrated to Oneida 
would certainly have been different had it not been for the 
devastation of that war. Most of the younger men returned 
at once and enlisted as soldiers. The names of many such are 
known. William Williams testified in 1783 that eighteen of 
the Mohegans had died in the service, and, remembering that 
the tribe was not large, this was a great loss. Only a few 
remained on their Oneida lands with their families. Among 
these were David Fowler, Elijah Wampy, Andrew Corcomb, 
John Adams, James Cusk and Samuel Adams. Their houses 
were of no very pretentious sort ; but they were the only ones 
for miles around. In one of them doubtless Heinrich Staring 
was confined by his Indian captors during the Revolution, as 
related by Pomroy Jones. ^ Hardships were certainly their lot, 
and dangers from the enemy surrounded them. At last there 
came a time when their position was untenable. The enemy 
under the command of General St. Leger approached to 
besiege Fort Schuyler. Probably some of his marauding bands 
of savages who knew the location of these friendly Indians 
threatened them, but the circumstances are unknown to us in 

1 Jones' Annals of Oneida County, pp. 254-259. 

232 SAA/SOjV occom 

detail. Occom says they were driven off by the enemy and 
were obliged to leave all their effects in their haste. The 
Oneidas and Tuscaroras went to Albany and were there sup- 
ported by the government; but the Brothertown Indians were 
homeless. All they had possessed in New England had been 
sold when they emigrated. Whither should they go ? East- 
ward they took their course. So in time they arrived at Stock- 
bridge. It was natural for them to feel that they were there 
among friends, for the Housatonic tribe was at this time the 
most advanced in civilization of any in western Massachusetts. 
Land was plenty where they might build huts and cultivate 
their Indian corn. Here, then, these refugees settled down in 
West Stockbridge and Richmond, intending to return to 
Oneida as soon as it was safe. Some of them, having nothing 
else at hand to do, became soldiers of the Revolution. Their 
friends in the old settlements, among whom Samson Occom 
still ministered, assisted them as they could. Jacob Fowler 
was not with them. He was no longer needed as Indian tutor 
at Dartmouth College, there being no Indians to teach, and in 
1776 he had entered the government service as a messenger 
to the Western tribes. In September of that year he traveled 
thither with others to a distance of six hundred miles and 
returned in the dead of winter. On occasions afterwards he 
carried more than one important despatch to and from the 
"war-office" of Governor Jonathan Trumbull at Lebanon. 
David Fowler, however, was there — the mainstay of the refu- 
gees — industrious, wise and faithful as in his younger days ; 
and in his care we leave them for a little to give some account 
of these Indian friends at Stockbridge with whom to this day 
they have been so intimately associated. 

The beginning of missionary labors among the Housatonic 
Indians was due to the interest which the ''prudent, industri- 
ous and temperate " character of their chief, Konkapot, had 
kindled in the minds of Revs. Stephen Williams of Long- 


meadow and Samuel Hopkins of West Springfield.- Through 
them this fact was communicated to the commissioners of the 
" Society for Propagating the Gospel " at Boston, who wished 
them to visit Housatonic. Before they could comply it 
chanced that Konkapot and the second chief, Umpachenee, 
came to Springfield, May 22, 1734, to receive a captain's and 
lieutenant's commission, respectively, for loyal services to the 
Massachusetts Colony. A conference with them was held to 
ascertain whether they would receive a missionary. The 
result was so encouraging that Mr. Williams, with Rev. Nehe- 
miah Bull of Westfield, visited them in July, when the tribe 
decided to welcome religious instruction. Mr. Williams went 
to Boston and reported to the commissioners, whereupon they 
voted, August 16, 1734, to empower him and Mr. Bull to 
engage a suitable man for the work. John Sergeant, then a 
tutor at Yale College, was secured and he spent two months 
with them that autumn. There were then, as reported to the 
commissioners, only about six families at Skatehook (Sheffield) 
and the same number ten miles north at Wnahktukook (Stock- 
bridge). It should not be inferred, however, that this included 
all of the tribe. More were scattered about in the neighbor- 
hood, and eventually their numbers were augmented by 
Brainerd's Indians and some from the southward at Kent and 
Sharon. Between these two Housatonic settlements, at Great 
Barrington, on the twenty-first of October they began to build 
a log house, in which Sergeant set up a school on the fifth of 
November. Rude huts round about sufficed for the Indians. 
Timothy Woodbridge of Springfield was then engaged as 
schoolmaster. Here the school was kept for two winters, the 
same being carried on in their Indian settlements during the 
summer. The work made rapid progress. On the ist of July, 

- On the history of this tribe see: Historical Memoirs^ Relating to the Housantun- 
nuk /jtdians, Sa.muel Hopkins, Boston, 1753; Stockbridge^ Past and Present, Miss 
E. F. Jones; Muhhekaneok, A History of the Stockbridge Nation, J. N. Davidson ; 
and Biographies of John Sergeant, Jonathan Edwards and Stephen West. 


1735, Sergeant entered upon his mission and was ordained at 
Deerfield, August 31st, the Indians being present and publicly 
receiving him as their minister.^ He had scarcely begun his 
good work before he saw the necessity of more permanent 
civilizing influences. This end he planned to attain by estab- 
lishing a town, in which the Indians could live on their own 
lands and be continuously under his ministry. He also 
thought it would be well — in the words of Governor Belcher, 
who endorsed the scheme, " that some English Families be 
interspers'd and settled among the Indians, for to civilize will 
be the readiest way to christianize them," Accordingly under 
the authority of the General Court, the Indians surrendered 
their other lands, and a township was secured by buying off 
the few white settlers, to which the Indians removed in 1736. 
This town, six miles square, was incorporated in May, 1739, as 
Stockbridge. Sergeant built a house there in 1737 ; and the 
same year "a Meeting-House of thirty Feet broad and forty 
long together with a School-House " were begun at the expense 
of the Colony. He soon acquired the native language and 
preached with marked effect. Parts of the Bible, prayers and 
Watts' Catechism were translated for their use. Indian boys, 
who were maintained on the Hollis foundation, were instructed, 
and by his success he was led to project an Indian boarding- 
school. A building was erected in 1749 for its accommoda- 
tion, but on account of Sergeant's death, on the twenty-seventh 
of July, the school fell into other hands and after a few years 
it failed through poor management. In 1750 the town con- 

3 Gospel Ministers | Must be fit for | The Master's Use, | and | Prepared to every 
Good Work, ) if they would be Vessels unto Honour ; | Illustrated in | A Sermon | 
Preached at Deerfield, August 31. 1735. | At the Ordination of | Mr. John Sargeant, 
I To the Evangelical Ministry, with a special Reference — to the Indians at Houssa. 
tonnoc, who have lately | manifested their desires to receive the Gospel. | By Nathan- 
iel Appleton, M. A. . . . Boston: . . . S. Kneeland & T. Green. MDCCXXXV, 
8' pp. (2) XIV, 33. [Conn. Hist. Soc] Another edition was printed at Edinburgh 
in 1736. 


tained fifty-three families of Indians, who had twenty houses 
built in the English fashion. Of the 218 individuals in these 
families, 129 had been baptized, forty-two of whom were com- 
municants. At this time all of David Brainerd's Indians at 
Kaunaumeek, where he had labored for a year from April i, 
1743, had removed to Stockbridge. 

One feature of John Sergeant's work it is important to notice 
— he baptized such natives as renounced heathenism several 
years before a church was formed with which they could fel- 
lowship. In this he followed the example of John Eliot. His 
interpreter, when he first visited them in 1734, Ebenezer 
Paupaumnuk, was examined by Mr. Bull, and baptized the 
seventeenth of October. Captain Konkapot and Lieutenant 
Umpachenee, with their wives, were baptized in November, 
1735, ^"d within a year after his ordination about forty infants 
and adults had received baptism. This fact has led some to 
conclude that a church was then formed ; but we think there 
was no such organization until 1738. Baptism was practised 
as the sign of a renunciation of heathenism and preparatory 
to church estate when the time should come. In the spring 
of 1738 four white families, of a character approved by Ser- 
geant, had become residents. The commissioners' manuscript 
records note under June third the report of Captain Williams, 
that there was " likely to be a church gathered at Housatonic 
in a short time " ; and their first Lord's Supper was celebrated 
on the fourth of June. We conclude, therefore, that the church 
had been formed during the week previous to that date.^ 
There were eleven communicants, some of whom were Indians. 
Peter Pauquaunaupeet was chosen a deacon. During his min- 
istry Sergeant baptized 182 Indians and admitted about sixty 
to the church. His successor, Rev. Jonathan Edwards, ad- 

* The claim has always been that this church was organized in 1734. Muhhekaneok, 
pp. 4, 5 ; Stockbridge, Past and Present, p. 42 ; and Dr. Field in Barber's Historical 
Collections of Mass., p. 97. 


mitted about twenty-five and Rev. Stephen West nearly as 

The defect in John Sergeant's scheme of Indian civilization 
wa§ in the introduction of families of whites into the town. 
This operated, as it always has, to the injury of the weaker 
race. Samson Occom at Brothertown contended against this 
feature. So soon as the lands at Stockbridge were divided, 
and so held that the Indians could sell their claims, they did 
so. The whites thus gradually crowded them out. In the 
church also there was more or less distinction between the 
natives and the English, and finally in 1775 ^^ Indian portion 
of the congregation was committed by Dr. West to the care of 
John Sergeant, the son of their first minister, who had previ- 
ously taught school there.® He received the salary which had 
been allowed for the mission by the Scotch Society. Some 
writers have said that at this time sixteen Indians took letters 
from the old church and formed a new organization. We 
think this is an error, and that the Indian church was formed 
ten years later in anticipation of their removal to the Oneida 
country. A separate church at Stockbridge was not needed. 
Indeed, there is evidence that some of the principal Christian 
Indians retained their membership in the mother church, par- 
ticipating in their sacramental occasions under the leadership 
of John Sergeant. He was practically an associate minister, 

5 Dr. Field's MSS. in the Conn. Hist. Soc. 

" John Sergeant, the elder, was born in Newark, N. J., in 1710, being the son of 
Jonathan and Mary Sergeant. His father had removed to New Jersey from Bran- 
ford, Conn. He graduated from Yale College in 1729 and became a tutor there in 
1731. He married, August 16, 1739, Abigail, eldest daughter of Colonel Ephraim 
Williams of Stockbridge, and they had three children, Erastus, John and a daughter 
who married Colonel Mark Hopkins gf Great Barrington and was the grandmother 
of the famous president of Williams College. After John Sergeant's death his 
widow married General Joseph Dwight of Great Barrington, by whom she had three 
children. John Sergeant, the younger, was born at Stockbridge in 1747. After the 
Indians had been some years at New Stockbridge he removed his family thither, and 
there died Sept. 7, 1824. 


having charge of the Indian portion of the church. In man) 
respects he was well adapted to this- service. Although he 
was an infant when his father died, he had imbibed from his 
mother an interest in the missionary cause, and especially in 
the Indians to whose welfare his father had been so devoted. 
He knew the language perfectly, and the natives naturally 
looked upon him as their-friend in his father's stead. Thus, 
having been prepared by some theological instruction under 
Dr. West, he entered with zeal upon the service. The period 
of his labors at Stockbridge was full of troubles for the Indians. 
Their lands had gradually slipped away from them. Some 
were reduced to poverty. Many of the older members of the 
church, who seem to have been Christian Indians of remark- 
able piety, had passed away, and the younger generation were 
less inclined to education and religion. Yet amid all these 
trials John Sergeant sought with faith, earnestness and wisdom 
to maintain the Christian character of the tribe. 

As" the American Revolution was a serious blow to the 
Brothertown Indians, so it was to the Stockbridge tribe. It 
was to be expected that they would be loyal to the patriot 
cause, and they were. Many of them enlisted in the company 
of Captain William Goodrich, of which Jehoiakim Mtohksin 
was second lieutenant, and marched from Stockbridge on the 
23d of April, 1775. Later others joined this company, among 
them Hendrick Aupaumut and Jacob Konkapot. It was sta- 
tioned at Watertown. There were thirty-five Stockbridge 
Indians in this one company. Timothy Yokens, who was first 
sergeant, afterwards became captain of a company of Indian 
rangers who did honorable service. The tribe sent a full 
company to White Plains, under Captain Daniel Nimham, of 
whom thirty were killed and others died of disease. Twenty 
blankets were sent to their families at Stockbridge, partly in 
recognition of this service — "five to the widows of the Indians 
lately slain at White Plains." Most of the killed were young 


men. This action occurred August 31, 1778, and a petition to 
the General Court of Massachusetts, dated September twenty- 
second, says, "many lately fell in battle." General Washington 
wrote that Captain Hendrick and others were with the army in 
1778, and that the tribe suffered severely during that campaign 
and lost a chief and several warriors. A newspaper of the time 
gives an interesting account of the adventures of five of these 
Stockbridge Indians, who were sent on a scout under Abraham 
[Konkapot] and brought in six prisoners.'^ A number were 
in the company of Captain Enoch Noble, which marched to 
Bennington in October, 1780. There was, indeed, scarcely an 
able-bodied man in the tribe who was not at some time in the 
service. Some of them served throughout the war in the Con- 
tinental army. "At the close of the war," it is said, " General 
Washington directed a feast to be prepared for the Indians in 
consideration of their good conduct, and an ox was roasted 
whole, of which the tribe partook, the men first and then the 
women and children."^ We can scarcely appreciate at this 
day the demoralizing effect of the war upon this tribe. Wid- 
ows and orphans were left without means of support. Nearly 
half of their young men had perished. They were reduced in 
ambition, and the salutary effects of religion were dissipated. 
Yet in this we see one of the practical results of their civiliza- 
tion,— they recovered quickly from these evils and set their 
faces toward the future in new hope. 

The sachemship of the Stockbridge Indians devolved in 
1777 upon Joseph Quanaukaunt [Quinney]. He had for his 
councilors three conspicuous young men, who had a great influ- 
ence upon the subsequent life of the tribe. The first was Peter 
Pauquaunaupeet [Pohquonnoppeet, Pohquannopput, Poh- 
qunohpeet, Poquanopeet, Pohquenumpec, and Ponknepeet.] 
He was a son of the first Indian deacon of the same name. 

7 Penn. Journal^ Sept. 3, 1777, in Moore's Diary of the Revolution^ pp. 474, 475. 
8 Jones' Annals of Oneida Comity , p. 888. 


Having been instructed in the school there, he was sent in 
177 1 to Dartmouth College, where he spent most of the time 
in study until 1780, when he graduated. Sergeant wrote of 
him in 1771, ''He is not so quick to learn as some, but appears 
to relish what he does get, is of a steady turn of mind and of 
a good family." The custom then was to prefix " Sir " to the 
names of seniors, from which fact he derived the name he bore 
throughout his after life — " Sir Peter." After his graduation 
he returned to Stockbridge and taught the school for a time. 
It is said that "he was possessed of good talents and sus- 
tained an unblemished character." This Indian we shall meet 
again. The second of these councilors was Hendrick Aupau- 
mut. We have reason to think that he was a descendant of 
Hendrick, the celebrated Mohawk chief, who in 1750 came to 
Stockbridge with about ninety of that tribe to obtain an edu- 
cation. This chief is said to have been related to Joseph 
Brant and Molly, his sister, the Indian wife of Sir William 
Johnson. He was killed in the war of 1755. Hendrick 
Aupaumut was educated in the Stockbridge school. He 
enlisted in the Revolutionary War and won distinction, being 
at one time in command of a company, probably of scouts. 
The name he afterwards bore was derived from this service — 
"Captain Hendrick." This Indian also appears in later 
events. He became one of the most conspicuous Indians in 
the tribe, their chief, and an emissary to the far West on sev- 
eral occasions. The third councilor was John Konkapot 
[Kunkapot, Concopot, Kunkerpot, Konkpott], a son or grand- 
son of their first Christian chief. He also was taught in the 
Indian school and entered Dartmouth College, where he was 
at the commencement of the Revolution. The name usually 
given him by Doctor Wheelock was John Stockbridge. In a 
petition which he presented to the General Assembly of 
Massachusetts, June 7, 1781, asking for six months' pay as 
the teacher at Stockbridge, he says " he early entered into the 


service of the United States and suffered loss, that he has 
since applied himself to learning and has been some time in 
college, since which he has been employed in keeping school."^ 
He probably enlisted early in the war, and he was certainly 
one of those who marched to Bennington in 1780. In his 
later life he was sometimes called "Captain John" in conse- 
quence of this military service. These three councilors, it will 
be observed, were fairly well educated. The second was a 
member of the Stockbridge church. All had knowledge of 
public affairs. In short, they came into power at a time when 
such leaders were needed to revive the strength of the tribe, 
and lead them forth into the future. 

Such were the Stockbridge Indians at the time the Brother- 
town refugees settled near them. It w^as never the latter's 
intent to remain there longer than was necessary — their homes 
were in the wilderness. As to their experiences while there 
we have only glimpses of them. In 1780 they presented a peti- 
tion to their old friends in Connecticut which we submit in 
evidence of their condition : 

To the Honorable the General Assembly of the State of Connecticut now 
Sitting at Hartford 

This may Certify that We who removed from the New England States 
to the Oneida, and resided on a tract of land granted to us from our Breth- 
ren the Six Nations, have been lately driven from our Settlements by the 
Enemy and sustained grate damage leaving our Effects — by which means 
[we] are now reduced to the necessity of Seeking a redress — particularly are 
[we] desirous of being instructed in the great things of religion, and [having] 
our Children trained up to enjoy'a School and religious Privileges — and as 
Daniel Simon of the Narragansit Tribe of Indians of a College Education, 
properly authorized and ordained to Preach the Gospel, has been both keep- 
ing a School and Preaching among us the most of the Time Since the first 
of May last, upon his own expence and Charge — and we are unable to pay 
him and being desirous of his Continueing among us — and all Funds of 
Money for the Spread of the Gospel among the Indians are Stop'd — and 
therefore we are obleg'd to apply to any State where ever God in his Provi- 
dence may open the Hearts of his People to us, v/ith a Charitable design, 

^ Mass. Archives^ Vol. 144, p. 476. 


Praying that your Honors would Consider us — they of the State to which 
we formerly belong'd and were particularly our Brethren from whom we 
have heretofore received many favours — we have twenty two Childrun 
which we are exceedingly desirous Should be instructed the insuing year — 
and Should be thankfull for Simon even three Months Schoolling — as we 
Shall all reside in the neighborhood of Stockbridge till these troubles be 
over — we therefore would earnestly pray them to encourage Daniel Simon 
our Brother by donation or any other way, therefore we have made 
known our request wishing the Healths and Prosperity of your own Per- 
sons—which we will ever pray 
West Stockbridge, Oct^" th — 1780 

Gideon Comruy [?] 
Elijah Wimpey 
James Cusk 
Andrew Corcomp 
John Adams 

P. S. By request I certify the foregoing representation to be just & true, 
& would recommeiid them to the Charity of those who are able to afford 
them Relief. 

13 Octob'" 17S0 Sam^ KirklandIo 

On this petition the upper house granted ^30 from the pub- 
lic treasury, but the lower house did not concur. The result 
of the ensuing conference was probably the issuing of a brief 
for collections in the churches, though no copy of this docu- 
ment is known to have survived. The fact is recovered from 
a later petition, May 8, 1783, asking for the redemption of 
;^77-i5-ii in bills collected. In this they thank the General 
Assembly for "the repeated Kindness and Favours conferred 
upon them by their best Friends and Brothers, the Inhabitants 
of their Native and Beloved State. Particularly in the late 
Instance of a Brief granted by a former General Assembly for 
a Contribution in Several Churches within the State." This 
document was signed by Elijah Wampey, David Fowler and 
Samuel Adams, and accompanied by letters from Samuel 
Kirkland and Stephen West to Dr. Nathan Strong of Hart- 

■ ^^ Conn. Archives^ Indians^ II, 226. 


ford.^^ Their request was granted by the payment of ;!^33-i-8 
for the bills. We learn from these documents that there were 
in all forty-four of them at West Stockbridge. This probably 
includes the few who were within the present borders of Rich- 
mond, where David Fowler lived. Kirkland says, "They are 
really distressed objects." They had experienced sickness and 
many were reduced to poverty. Evidence is also thus ob- 
tained that they were preparing to return to Oneida, and this 
removal the funds collected for them made possible. 

Who was this Daniel Simon [Simons] who had been their 
teacher and minister.? He was a Narragansett Indian, and 
one of Wheelock's Indian pupils of the Lebanon school, 
already mentioned in that connection. With his brother 
Abraham he had gone with the school to Hanover. There 
he studied for some years, graduating in the class of 1777. A 
letter is preserved among the Wheelock Papers in which he 
complained to his benefactor that he was compelled to work 
so much of the time that he could not study — he already knew 
how to work and wanted to learn something else — "What 
good will the charity money do the poor Indian " if he has to 
pay his way.?^^ He was in college at the breaking out of the 
Revolution, and was the Indian who is said to have heard the 
guns of Bunker Hill by putting his ear to the earth — a fact 
which others at the time confirmed. After his graduation 
he continued at Hanover studying theology under Doctor 
Wheelock, and he was approved as an Indian preacher by the 
Grafton Presbytery, January 29, 1778. On the seventh of Octo- 
ber, following, he wrote the president a letter as follows: "I 
have been preaching some about the country since I left col- 
lege. Do not engage long at a place on the account I am 
young in the ministry. I am at present keeping school at 
Stockbridge, where I have thirty and forty in my school, and 

^1 Conn. Archives^ Indians, II, 227-229. 
12 Wheelock Papers, Lett. Sept. 1771. 


sometimes fifty. I began my school on the first of May* and 
engaged for five months ; have preached some in the towns 
round about and supplied the pulpit of the great and good 
Mr. West, in his absence, two Sabbaths. But Mr. West and 
I am not familiar, by reason I find, that I am in or near the 
centre of Gravity. It is not allowed for a sinner to pray here, 
because all things are ordained of God, and neither can the 
sinner change the counsel of the Divine Being by prayer. 
But I may say this, that some people's God is my devil. "^^ 
The commissioners' records show that Simons undertook this 
work of teaching with the approval of John Sergeant, but he 
did not continue in it long. On the first of May, 1780, he 
seems to have begun a similar work among the Brothertown 
Indians at West Stockbridge. He may have continued with 
them to 1783; but in that year he became a missionary 
among the Indians at Cranbery, N. J., succeeding Rev. John 
Brainerd. It is said that he was not long after suspended 
from the ministry for intemperance.^^ He was never an 
ordained minister. Certainly his relations with the Broth- 
ertown Indians terminated in 1783, though others of his 
family became useful and faithful members of the Oneida 

We are now approaching the close of this distressing period 
in the history of the Christian Indians of New England. It 
remains only to point out the fact, which the reader may have 
conjectured already, that it was the influence of these Brother- 
town refugees which led the Stockbridge tribe also to project 
a removal to the Oneida country. A friendship w^as formed 
between the tribes during those six years, which has con- 
tinued to the present time. The refugees did not suffer the 
enthusiasm over the emigration to die out. It was uppermost 
in their minds. They had left pleasant homes in those fertile 

" Chapman's Ahomti of Dart. Coll., p. 22. 
" Ibid. 


valleys of New York, to which they would return like the chil- 
dren of Jacob to Canaan. During the Revolution others in 
the old settlements were preparing to join these pioneers by 
selling their lands, which in several instances required legis- 
lative action. It has been claimed by some that the Stock- 
bridge Indians had secured a tract of land from the Oneidas 
before the Revolution. Some have even thought that a few 
of them removed thither. This is an error. It probably arose 
from the impression that they were included in the grant of 
1774 to the seven settlements, usually called thereafter the 
" New England Indians." At that time the Stockbridge tribe 
had no thought of emigration, notwithstanding the fact that 
they had disposed of the greater part of their lands. The 
way was opened for them, however, by their friends, who had 
a very extensive tract themselves, and were assured that a 
similar grant would be made to the Indians at Stockbridge 
who had succored them. So it happened. When the Broth- 
ertown Indians in 1783 returned to their Oneida homes, a 
number of the Stockbridge tribe accompanied them. It was a 
return of that hospitality which they had themselves received. 
Then these Stockbridge chiefs held a council with the Oneidas 
and were duly adopted by them after the Indian custom, re- 
ceiving the promise of a tract of land six miles square. We 
have not been able to find any written agreement or convey- 
ance of this grant, though one was probably made. Indian 
affairs were then in a very unsettled state. It is certain, how- 
ever, that the promise w^as then given them, and they returned 
to Stockbridge to prepare for a removal. Most of them came 
thither in the spring of 1785, but they did not all remain 
through the following winter. Others came in 1788. Samuel 
Kirkland wrote, March 10, 1784, "The Oneidas expect in the 
course of two^ years to have more than a thousand Indians in 
this vicinity who \yill be disposed to attend the word of God." 
This undoubtedly refers to a prospective increase from the 


Stockbridge and New England tribes. Some of the chiefs of 
the former were present at the Treaty held at Fort Herkimer 
in June, 1785, and the Oneidas then spoke of them as their 
"younger brethren." All these earlier grants were super- 
seded at the Treaty of Fort Schuyler in September, 1788, 
when the Oneidas, in their cession to the state of New York, 
made this reservation that: " the New England Indians (now 
settled at Brothertown under the pastoral care of Reverend 
Samson Occom) and their posterity forever and the Stock- 
bridge Indians and their posterity forever are to enjoy their 
Settlements on the Lands heretofore given to them by the 
Oneidas for that purpose, that is to say a Tract Two Miles 
in Breadth and three miles in length for the New England 
Indians and a Tract of Six Miles square for the Stockbridge 
Indians." At first some of the latter tribe seem to have 
settled within the bounds of the grant to the former, much 
more extensive in the agreement of 1774 than as reduced in 
1788. Afterwards their tract six miles square was located 
for them, and it was partly within the town of Vernon, Oneida 
county, and partly within the town of Stockbridge, Madison 
county, as now described. The Stockbridge Indians, in 
memory of their old home in Massachusetts, named their 
settlement New Stockbridge. In the year 1785 they num- 
bered 420. There they lived for many years, until 1818, 
when some of them removed to White River, Indiana. At 
that time they began to sell their lands, and this continued 
until they were all established again beside their friends, the 
Brothertown Indians, on the east side of Winnebago Lake, in 

No single tribe of New England Indians has a more inter- 
esting history than this, whose wigwams once dotted the 
banks of the swift-fiowing Housatonic. Its chiefs won their 
first distinction from the white man in recognition of their 
friendly service. Intelligent, brave and incfustrious they have 


always been, and on the battle-fields of every war which has 
roused the patriot to arms their warriors have fallen. Among 
them the best of missionaries and the greatest of divines have 
lived and taught. If weaknesses have been theirs, they have 
been those of the race, and they have paid the penalty in 
hardships and wasting death. On the hunt and in the wilder- 
ness they have tasted adventure. Romance has been woven 
into their story — a thread of gold in a worn and fretted gar- 
ment. So this nation, having followed the trail of civilization 
for more than a century and a half, has come to an honorable 
old age and leans upon the staff among the sachems of the 



Peace was at length restored in the colonies which had 
achieved their independence. Then the first of many com- 
panies of emigrants to cross the Hudson River and thread 
their way along the Mohawk westward, in 1783, was composed 
of New England Indians. Their leader was David Fowler. 
He and some others had visited their deserted huts at Brother- 
town in the summer of 1782 ; but now it was safe for them to 
remove their families thither. We have no record of their 
experiences during that season. Some at least returned late 
in the autumn to Stockbridge to escape the winter in that vast 
and cheerless wilderness. 

The first delegation from the old settlements set out May 8, 
1784.^ It now devolved upon Samson Occom, as in com- 
mand of the reserves, to push forward the Indian families as 
they could be made ready, and in this service he was engaged 
more or less for several years. On the date above named a 
number of families set sail from New London in the sloop 
Victory, commanded by Captain Hayley. Occom notes in his 
diary their fortunes of wind and weather as they coasted 
along toward New York, where they arrived at 6 o'clock in the 
evening of the tenth. The nights had been spent at anchor in 
safe waters. The ninth was a Sabbath and, the sea being calm, 
the reverend elder of this company of Indian pilgrims con- 
ducted a service on the deck, expounding a part of the twenty 

' Occoni's Diary ^ Dart. Coll. 


fifth chapter of Matthew, wherein he might have found sundry 
lessons appropriate to this novel situation. The only persons 
known to have been in that congregation were Jacob Fowler 
and Esther Poquiantup his wife, Anthony Paul and Christiana 
Occom his wife, with four young children, and the mother 
" Widow Paul " with her son John. Others were with them, 
but their names are unknown. Occom and Jacob Fowler left 
the ship at New York to call on Dr. Rodgers and others with 
a view of obtaining further financial assistance in the emigra- 
tion. On the twelfth they went on board an Albany sloop, 
Mr. Waters, master, having as fellow passengers " a number of 
very agreeable gentlemen " who were members of the New 
York General Assembly. To them on the voyage they un- 
folded their plan, in which the gentlemen were "much inter- 
ested. Thus early Occom began an acquaintance with the 
members of that body, over whose legislation in Indian affairs 
he had considerable influence. At Albany they overtook their 
people. Occom made application to the chief men of the town 
for assistance, but provisions were no longer allowed to Indians, 
as had been the case during the Revolution. They were per- 
mitted to put up at the hospital and the people were very kind 
to them. Occom was invited to speak to the prisoners and com- 
plied. On the twenty-second the Indian company started for- 
ward on their way to Schenectady, Occom remaining to preach 
on the Sabbath, as he did twice in the Presbyterian meeting- 
house. Collections amounting to eight pounds were taken up 
in behalf of his people. From Albany he turned back, leaving 
Jacob Fowler to guide the emigrants to their new homes. 

The expense of this party was considerable, and Occom had 
given his own personal note for their passage from New Lon- 
don to Albany. All that he collected on the way was not sufh- 
cient to meet this. Such were the troubles he had in removing 
his people to Oneida. This, too, was the reason he did not at 
once go with them. His service was necessary in New England 


on his own account and on theirs. He reached Mohegan on 
the seventh of June, and until the autumn preached here and 
there in the furtherance of this work. On the twenty-second of 
September he set out for Oneida to visit his people. He went 
first to Farmington, where he stopped with Daniel Mossuck, 
one of Wheelock's Indian pupils who is here met \^ith for the 
Last time and probably died there soon afterwards. There were 
then only eight Indian families remaining in their old home 
on Indian Neck. Here he also found George Pharaoh and 
his family from Montauk moving up to Oneida. Somewhere 
between there and Stockbridge he visited " Bro. Phineas," pos- 
sibly a Fowler, and there heard of the death of his daughter 
Talitha — " a mournful addition to his troubles." At Stock- 
bridge he found that almost all of the Indians had scattered, 
all who had not gone to Oneida. So he went on his way to 
Richmond, New Bethlehem, Albany, Saratoga, Stillwater and 
the Mohawk River. He preached wherever he had opportunity 
and there was scarcely an evening that he did not gather the 
people in some pioneer cabin, to teach them and sing his 
spiritual songs. This will illustrate what he called his "pere- 
grinations," which made him known to all near and far and 
won him the honorable title — " the missionary of the wilder- 
ness." Ere he arrived at Brothertown he met his friends 
David and Jacob Fowler and Elijah Wampy. In company 
with David he set out for Brothertown. Here we will let him 
tell his own story : 

Monday Ocf 24 [17S5] : Some Time after Breakfast Brother David 
Fowler and I sot of to go thro' the Woods to our Indians new Settlements, 
and presently after we sot out it began to Rain and it Rain'd all the way 
not very hard, — and it was extreemly bad muddy riding, and the Creeks 
were very high, and some Places were Mirely, and we were over taken with 
Night before we got in, and some places were very Dark where Hamlock 
Trees were, our Eyes did us but little good, we travild about a mile in the 
Dark and then we arriv'd at Davids House, as [we] approach'd the House 
I heai*^ a Melodious Singing, a number were together Singing Psalms 
hymns and Spiritual Songs. We went in amongst them and they all took 


hold of my Hand one by one with Joy and Gladness from the greatest to 
the least, and we sot down awhile, and then they began to sing again, and 
Some Time after I gave them a few words of Exhortation, and then Con- 
cluded with Prayer, — and then went to Sleep Quietly, the Lord be praised 
for his great goodness to us. 

Tuesday Ocf 25. Was a Snowy Day, was very uncomfortable weather. 
I kept still all Day at Davids House and it was crowded all Day, some of 
Onoydas came in — In the evening Singers came in again, and they Sang 
till near ten o.c. and then I gave them a Word of Exhortation and con- 
cluded with prayer, so we ended another Day — 

Wednesday Ocf 26 : Snow is about ancle Deep this Morn'g and all 
slosh under the Snow and the Land is ful of water every where, and the 
Brooks are very high — it is not clear wheather yet — in the evening we had 
a little Singing again — This morning I rench'd my Back, only puting on 
my Stockings, and was put to some difficulty to go out all Day. 

Thirdsday Octo'" 27 : Cloudy but moderate, my back continues as it was 

Fryday Ocf 28 : it was warm and pleasant Day but cloudy the bigest 
part of the Day — in the evening they sung (in Abra™ Simons House, a 
mile from David Fowlers) [Erased] 

Fryday Ocf [29] David intended to gather his corn but it look'd very 
much like for Rain, and so [he] defer it to another Day. — the young Folks 
went in the evening to Abraham Simons a mile of from David Fowlers to 
sing, but I did not go my back continued out of order. — 

Saturday Ocf 29: David gather'd his corn,. he had a number of Hands 
tho it was cloudy in the morning, and little Rain, and in ,the after noon he 
husked his corn, and the Huskers Sung Hymns Psalms and Spiritual 
Songs the bigest part of the Time, finish'd in the evening — and after supper 
the Singers Sung a while, and then dispersed. 

Sabbath Oct"" 30 : Had a meeting in Davids House, and a Number of 
Stockbridgers came to meeting to the distance of six miles, they had eleven 
Horses and there was a number of foot People, and there was a Solemn 
Assembly, the People attended the word with affection many of them — I 
spoke from Mathew iv. 10 : in the after Noon from — xxxii : i : in the evening 
we had Singing a long while and then gave them a word of Exhortation 
and concluded with Prayer — 

Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday nothing hapen'd remarkable only 
Rainy and Snowy weather, and I was much confind my wrentchd Back — 

Thirdsday Nov"" 3. 1785. Towards Night we attended upon the antient 
ordenance of marrage, the first that ever was selebrated by our People in 
their New Settlement in this Wilderness. The cupple to be married and 
the Young People formed in a Neighbouring House and came to the House 


of Weding in a Regular Procession according to their age and were seated 
accordingly — and the old People also seated themselves Regularly, and A 
great Number of Stockbridgers came from their Town to attend the Wed- 
ing, but many of them were too late — 

When I got up, I spoke to them Some Time upon the nature of Mar- 
riage, the Honourableness and Lawfulness of it, whereby we are distin- 
guished from the Brutal Creation: Said Some of the first marrage in Eden 
& of the Marrage where Christ and his Disciples were invited and the 
Honour he did to it by working the first mericle he wrought in the World 
in turning water into Wine and then we prayed, after Prayer I orderd them 
to take each other by the Right Hand alternately and then I declared them 
in the Face of the Assembly to be a Lawful Husband and Wife, according 
to the Law of god^ — and then pray'd. prayer being ended Marriage 
salutations went round Regularly, and concluded by Singing a Marriage 
Hymn — and then the People sat down, and Jacob Fowler who was 
appointed Master of Serimonies at'this Marriage, gave out some Drink a 
Round the Company and then Supper was brought, sot in order on a long 
Board, and we sot down to eat, and had Totty well sweeten'd with wild 
Sugar made of Sugar Trees in the Wilderness : and after supper we Spent 
the Evening in Singing Psalms Hymns and Spiritual Songs, — and after that 
every [one] went home Peaceably without any Carausing or Frollicking. 

Fryday Nov' 4: The Young People put on their best Clouths, and went 
to a Neighbours House, all on Horse back, and they appear'd agreeable 
and Decent, arwi they had no carousing, they had some Pleasant chat and 
agreable conduct, some Singing of Psalms Hymns and Spiritual Songs. 
Some Time in the after Noon they dined together, and after Dinner every 
one went Home Quietly. — so the Weding ended, and it was conducted, 
caried on and finished with Honour and great Decency — and the Lord help 
this People to go on Regularly in all their concerns — 

Sab: Nov"" 6: Brother Jacob Fowler and I went of early in the Mor^for 
Stockbridge Indians, that lately settled at old Onoyda. got there some 
Time before meeting. Went to Sir Peter Pauquunnuppeets House, he is 
a Collegian brought up and Educated at Dartmouth College, and he 
received [us] with all kindnest Friendship, — about 11 went to meeting and 

2 The following is Occom's marriage service : " You do take this woman to be your 
Married Wife and do in the Presence of God and before these witnesses Promise and 
covenant to be a loving and faithful Husband unto her until God shall separate you 
by death. You do in like manner take this man to be your Married Husband and do 
in the Presence of God and before these Witnesses Promise to be a loving, faithful 
and obedient wife unto him till God shall separate you by Death. I do then before 
God and these witnesses Declare you to be Husband and Wife. Therefore what 
God has joined together let not man put asunder." 


many of our People from our new settlements came to meeting, to the dis- 
tance of six miles — I spoke to them from Joshua 24 : 22 : and Esther 7:2: 
in the Evening we had another meeting, and we had solemn Day and even- 
ing, the People attended with great attention and Solemnity, after I had 
done speaking, we sat down and the singer rose up and they sang Some 
Time, and then dispersed, every one to his quarters and Sister Hannah and 
Sister Esther and I Lodgd at Widow Quinnys where the meeting was — 

Monday Nov'' 7 : Some Time after Sun Rise I sot of with Brother Roger 
and his wife to our Place ; and stopt at Roger's and I took Breakfast with 
them, they live near three miles from the rest of the People, and after eating 
I went on to the Town, got there about 12 and found them all well — In the 
Evening we met on our Temporal and Religious concerns — we met once 
before but we did not come to proceed any Business — But now we pro- 
ceeded to form into a Body Politick — we Named our Town by the Name of 
Brotherton, in Indian Eeyamquittoowauconnuck — J. Fowler was chosen 
Clarke for the Town. Roger Waupieh, David Fowler, Elijah Wympy, 
John Tuhy, and Abraham Simon were chosen a Committee or Trustees for 
the Town, for a year and for the future, the committee is to be chosen 
Annually.'— and Andrew Acorrocomb and Thomas Putchauker were chosen 
to be Fence Vewers to continue a year. Concluded to have a Centre near 
David Fowlers House, the main St*reet is to run North and South & 
East and West, to cross at the centre. Concluded to live in Peace, and in 
Friendship and to go on in all their Public Concerns in Harmony both in 
their Religious and Temporal concerns, and every one to bear his part of 
Public Charges in the Town.— They desired me to be a Teacher amongst 
them. I consented to spend some of my remaining [days] with them, and 
make this Town my Home and center — 

Tuesday Novr 8 : got up early and sot of for Stockbridge Indians, got 
there Some Time before meeting, this is a Day of fasting and Prayer with 
the People here and they desired me to assist them, the Design of this 
fast is to confess their sins before God, and to repent and beg the Pardon 
of all their sins and desire the Blessing of God upon them, and to Prosper 
them in their New Settlement, and also bless them in their Religious Life — 
and I preached to them, in the fore Noon from Jonah 3:8: in the after- 
noon from Prover 23 : 26 and it was a solemn Fast Day, many were deeply 
afected, all attended like criminals before the Barr: in the F2vening they 
met again and they advised and gave councel to one another to conduct well 
and be careful in all their conduct the ensuing winter as they were about to 
disperse for the winter, that they may get together in the spring in Love and 
Peace — and after advice, they spent Some Time in Singing of Spiritual 
Songs, and when they had done, I gave them a word of Exhortation, advis- 
ing them to use their Natural Powers and conduct as becomes Rational 


Creatures, and break off from all outbreaking of sin, and especially to break 
off from that abominable sin of Drunkeness and give themselves to watch- 
ing and Prayer, and so conclude with Prayer, — and the People dispersed in 
Peace. I Lodged at Sir Peter Punquunnuppeets. 

Wednesday Nov^ 9 : Breakfasted with Cap^ Hindreck & soon after Eating 
I sot off for Home, got to our Place about 12 and found our Folks well — 

Thirdsday Fryday and Saturday look about a little to see the land and it is 
the best land I ever did see in all my Travils. John Tuhy Planted Just 
about one acre of ground, which he cleared last ma}', and this Fall he took 
of 20 Bushels of good Corn, 56 Bushels of Potatoes, about 200 Heads of 
Cabage, and about 3 Bushels of Beans, and about 2 Bushels of Pusnips and 
Beats together, besides Cucumbers and Watermelons, of the Same ground, 
and it was not Plowd nor dug up with a Hoe, only leaves and Small Bushes 
were burnt on it and great many Logs lay on it now — and I was told last 
week among the Stockbridge Indians that in their clearing some spots of 
land where it has been improved in years past, they Plowed up and dug up 
good many Potatoes, where they had been Planted perhaps 10 or 12 years 
ago. One man got 3 skipples and he planted them, and he has raised a 
fine passel of them, and Brother David Fowler told me, and his wife and 
others confirm'd it, that he had one Cabage Stomp stood three summers 
and it headed every year, the last it stood, it [had] three Heads. — 

Sab. Nov' 13 : Preachd at David Fowlers and many of the Stockbridgers 
came to meeting, and there was good attention and I believe some felt the 
Power of the word, — in the evening we had some singing — 

Monday Nov'' 14: Was geting ready to return homeward. 

Tuesday Nov'" 15: got up very early in the morning, and we were fitting 
to go off, and little after sunrise we sot off. Brother David and his wife. 
Daughter, and James W^aucus went together. Elijah Wympys two Daugh. 
ters and others — some Stockbridgers there were Eight Horses of [off] 
amongst us, and many foot men and we got thro the woods just as the Sun 
was going down. I put up at M"" Fols's — 

The reader will note in this portion of Occom's Diary the 
record of some important events. Here is the account of the 
founding of Brothertown, November 7, 1785, and their organi- 
zation into a ''Body Politick.'' Here are the names of the 
most prominent Indians of the tribe. Here the early location 
of the center of their town is stated to have been near David 
Fowler's house. We have, also, the name of this unique town 
in the Indian language, as Occom wrote it — Eeyamquittoowau- 
connuck. On the eighth of November we note the Fast Day 



of the Stockbridge Indians — who were then six miles westward 
from David Fowler's house — and its solemn import, a day of 
prayer for God's blessing on their new town. Here we meet 
again with " Sir Peter " and " Capt. Hindreck," who became 
Occom's firm friends. It seems that these Indians of New 
Stockbridge were to disperse for the winter. Some, indeed, 
of both tribes tarried in the settlements along the Mohawk 
until the following spring. Here already we see how it hap- 
pened that Occom ministered to a church composed of both 
tribes. The Stockbridge missionary, John Sergeant, had not 
come with his people ; they were as sheep without a shepherd. 
We shall have occasion to refer to these points again. 

Occom's journey homeward was another missionary tour. 
He had an acquaintance along the road. The following are 
some of his lodging-places : Esquire Waubret's ; Captain 
Foof 's [?] ; Esquire Kimball's at Bowmen's Creek ; Peter Van 
Wormer's, a mile from Mohawk river, where he met Mr. 
Romine, a Dutch minister; Mr. Otis' in Gallaway; Mr. 
Smith's, where he met Mr. Coffin, a Universalist preacher, 
with whom he " disagreed altogether without debate " ; Mr. 
Kalley's, where he married Jonathan Bunyan Cotes and Polly 
Doulin ; Mrs. Post's, near Schenectady; Mr. Holms"; Balls- 
town, where he baptized Theophilus Hide, a dying man, and 
married Sanford White and Hannah Hide ; Pittstown ; Hoo- 
suck, at Mr. Porter's ; Williamstown ; Richmond ; and so to 
the house of Mr. Sergeant at Stockbridge. That w^inter he 
was at Mohegan, engaged in his work here and there. The 
volume of his diary is missing which describes his return in 
the spring of 1786 to Oneida. We find him on his way at Fort 
Hunter on the twenty-sixth of June, and at German Flats on 
the fourth of July. 

Tuesday July 4, [1786] Went to see my folks at Mi" Tygut's and 

Wednesday was there yet. — 

Thirdsday July 6 in the morning Some Time we sot of to go thro the 


Woods, near 12 we reached at Chunangusde. we turned out our Horses 
and my mare run away and we were obligd to stay there all Night, we 
could not find her — 

Fryday July 7 : we went of prety early, and got to our Settlement Some 
Time in the afternoon, and we were glad to see one another, but many of 
our People were gone away to seek after provisions, for food is very 
scarce — 

Saturday July 8: Anthony and James Fowler Waucus went after my 
mare — 

Sabb. July 9 : we met together at Abraham Simon's. There was but few 
of our folks and good many Stockbridgers were with us. I spoke from 
Rom viii and there was good attention amongst the People — 

Monday July 10: In the evening Anthony and James came back without 
my mare. They found her in a mire. Dead, Sunk almost all over, there is 
the end of her — 

Fryday July 14 Andrew Corricomb had a son Born. 

Sabb July 16, Preachd at Brother David Fowler's. Spoke from Matt, 
Jesus Cried and from Romans, if god be for us &c most of our People were 
there and a great number of Stocbredgers, and there was great and solemn 
attention — 

Sabb July 23 went from Roger Wauby's to the Town of Stockbridgers, 
and many of our People went and we had a large Assembly. M'' Dean^ and 
four with him came to meeting they live about six miles of, and I spoke 
from Matt vi : 9 : and Psalm 133: i,and the People attended well, we had 
a shower just as meeting was concluded and we sot till it was over and that 
was soon, and then we pusht on homeward. I got [to] Jacob Fowler's 
about sun set, and I was some what woried — 

Sabb July the 30 About 9 I went to Brother Davids & there I preachd, 

8 James Dean of " Dean's Patent " — the best Indian interpreter of his day and con- 
spicuous in all treaties. His life in detail would make an interesting volume. He 
was the son of John and Sarah (Douglass) Dean, and was born in Groton, Conn., 
Aug. 20, 1748. It is said that his parents devoted him to the life of a missionary, and 
when he was nine years old sent him, with an uncle, to reside at Onohoquaga. He 
there lived with " Good Peter," probably, and became a master of several Indian 
languages. In September, 1762, he was brought home by Rev. Eli Forbes, and sub- 
sequently engaged as an interpreter for Mr. Moseley. He entered Dartmouth Col- 
lege, and graduated in 1773. Thereafter, until 1775, he was employed by Doctor 
Wheelock, but then went into the government service, among the New York tribes. 
After the war, he took up his residence in the Oneida country, became a distinguished 
citizen, and died at Westmoreland, N. Y., Sept. 10, 1823. — Chapman's ^/«w«z c?/ 
Dart Coll., p. 14 ; Chase's Hist, of Dart. Coll., p. ^"j ; Jones' Annals of Oneida 
County, Sprague's Annals, 1,493,494; Wheeloek Papers and MS.^ Rec. Soc.for 
Prop. Cos. 

256 SA/l/SOiV OCCOM 

and many of the Stockbtidgeis were there and four young Onoyda men 
were there, and were drest compleat in Indian way. they shined with 
Silver, they had large Clasps about their arms, one had two Jewels in his 
Nose, and had a large Silver half moon on his Breast; and Bells about 
their Legs, & their heads were powderd up quite stiff with red paint, and 
one of them was white as any white man and gray eyes, his appearance 
made me think of the old Britains in their Heathenism. I spoke from 
Hosea xiii : 9: & Eclesi xii. i and there was great attention among the 
people, after meeting the singers sung some Time and then we all dis- 
persd — 

Monday JulyV3i a number of us went to the Flats, we got there before 
night and I put "up at M'" Conrod Fols. Tuesday was at the place all Day — 

Wednesday, Augst 2 Sun about two hours high we sot [off] again for 
home, and we got home just about Sundown, all well, and found our Folks 
well. Thanks be to god. — 

Sabb. Augt 6. Preached at Jacob Fowlers in fore Noon, and there was 
but few People, it was rainy morning. In the after Noon we went to David 
Fowlers, and there was a large number of People. Several of the Stock- 
bridgers came. I spoke from Rom 11 .28. 29: & Luke xvi. 13 — and the 
People attended well, in the evening I returned again to Brother Jacob. — 

Tuesday Aug' 8 : Some Time in the morning I went to Fishing at Orisco 
Creek, and I catchd 5 Doz" and five Salmon Trouts, — and Just at Night I 
removd to Brother David Fowler's to Stay a while. — 

Saturday Aug' 12 In the after Noon I Sot out for Stockbridgers, stopt 
awhile at Roger Waubys took Dinner there, and after eating, went on, got 
to the Place Some Time before Night. Lodged at Sir Peter Paukqunup- 
peat. — 

Sabb. Aug' 13: About 10 we began the holy Exercise at the House of 
Jacob Cunkcuppot, and there a large collection of People, some white 
people, — I spoke from Jerem xxx 14. in the after noon from Luke x. 42 
and the People attended with great solemnity, and with some affection ; 
and it was a Rainy afternoon. I Lodgd again at Sir Peters. — 

Monday Aug' 14: got up very early, and sot of for Brotherton, — Stopt at 
Roger Waubys, and took Breakfast and soon after eatg I went on again : 
got at Brother Davids abot 10 : & found them all well — 

Wednesday Aug' 16: Towards Night, the Young People came together 
at Jacob Fowlers to receive Instruction ; and I gave them a Short Dis- 
course from Proverbs iv. 13: and they attended exceeding well, they 
behaved becomingly, and were Solemn, and there was Some affection, with 
Tears, after I had Spoke and Prayd I orderd them to sing, and they sung 
three Times, with great Decency and solemnity, and as they were going 
out, Elyjah Wimpy first gave me thanks, and all manifested thankfulness; 


The Lord Bless them, and give them teachable Hearts, that they be Wise 
unto eternal salva[tion]. 

Sabb Aug' 20: Went to David Fowlers Some what early, and about 10 
began the Holy Service, and there was a large Number of People many 
Stockbridgers came and there were four out of M'' Deans Family, and 
more whatman, — I Spoke from Luke ii: 10: 11 and Psalm xxxi : i and 
there was great and solemn attention in the Assembly; after meeting our 
People Stay'd Some and [sung] Psalms — near sun set I went down to 
Brother Jacobs, and to bed soon and rested quietly once more — 

Wednesday Aug* 23 Towards Night the Young People came to Jacob 
Fowlers to receive instruction; and I spoke to them from Prover*^ [blank] a 
little whi[le] and then we Prayd, and after Prayer I Exercised with my 
Christian Cards with them,* and they were agreable to them, and they 
[were] Awd with the Various Texts of Scripture, and I believe they will 
not forget the evening very soon, there was one Stockbridge Girl came on 
purpose, and there was one English Girl, and they also chose each of 'em a 
Text; and they concluded with singing several Tunes, and the whole was 
caried on with Decency, «& Solemnity — 

Sabb. Aug' 27 Had a meeting at Abraham Simons on acount of his wife's 
Sickness; he was not at Home, he has been gone five weeks tomorrow. — 
There was a great Number of People, a number of Stockbridgers was there, 
and tow white Men from the New Town. I spoke from Gene. xxii. 12 
and in the after Noon from John iii. 16 & I believe we had the Presence 
of God with us, there was uncommon attention, and great solemnity and 
many Tears flowd down the cheeks of many ; after meeting a Number of 
Singers went to Jacob Fowlers and sung a while, and then we Prayd & so 
every one went Home Soberly & quietly — 

Wednesday Aug' 30 Soon after Breakfast thirteen of us sot out into the 
Woods, they went after Ginshang Roots, and I was going to M'' James 
Dean's, we travild together about 3 Miles, and there they incamped made 
up great Fire, and soon after I went on. sister Hannah Fowler went with 
me, and then we went thro' a Hedious Wilderness for three or four miles, 
we had only markd Trees to go by, and there was but very poor Track — we 
arrivd to M'" Deans Some time in -the afternoon, found them all well, and 
we were receivd with all kindness, and at sundown Brother David came 
runing in pufing and Blowing and all of a fome with sweat, he had treed a 
couple of Racoons and he [came] for a gun, and went right back and one 
young man ; and some Time in the [evenmg] he came in with one Racoon — 

Thirdsday Aug' 31 about 11, we took leave of the Fa[mily] and went to 
New Stockbridge — got there some Time in the afternoon, we calld on Sir 
Peter Pankquunnupeat & I put up there, — 

Fryday Sep'' i : Some Time in the after noon we had a meeting, and I 


spoke from Psalm, 32 : 9 and there was very good attention — I[n] the even- 
ing they got together to sing, and after singing, we had exercise with Chris- 
tian Cards, and it was new [to] them and very agreable. they attended 
with great solemnity, but all did not Draw that intended to draw, it grew 
late, and so we broak up. — 

Saturday Sep*" 2 : I was at the Place all Day long. I visited some Fami- 
lies, as I did yesterday, in the evening we met together again to go thro' the 
Exercise we began the last Night with my Christian Cards, and it was very 
agreable. some were much affected, we concluded with singing a Psalm — 

Sabb : Sep'" 3. About 10 we began the Divine worship of god and there 
was a great number of People for this wilderness, some white People — 
I spoke from Matt xi. 12 and I Kings xix. 13 and I be[Iieve] the Lord was 
present with us. I [had] some sense of the great things I [was] delivering 
and I believe many felt the Power of the word; for there was great solem- 
nity, and Awful Atention thro the Asembly, many Tears iiowd from many 
Eyes. — as soon as the meeting was done I went Home with our People, we 
got Home Just before sun set; and our singer^ got together and they sung 
some Time, we had some newcomers at the singing meeting. — Last Satui- 
day 13: of our People came to our Place to settle, a Family from Mohegan 
& a Family from Montauk and some from Narroganset and one from 
Farmington — 

Wednesday Sepr6: towards Night I attended upon our Young People, 
and ten Stockbridgers came to the meeting old and Young, and many of our 
old People came too. We began with singing, and then Prayd, after Prayer 
the Young People rehearsed the Texts and Verses they had Chosen at our 
second meeting, and they were very Solemn, and when they had done I 
1)egan a Discourse with them, from I Timothy, vi. 19 and it was a solemn 
Time with the People, many weremuch affected. Concluded with Prayer 
and Singing. — 

Sabb Sep'' 10 In the morning we went [to] Abraham Simons to meeting, 
began about 10 and there was a great number of People, many from Stock- 
bridge, and we had to white men at the meeting, they were going to Niegara 
from Johns Town, and there was a solemn attention thro' the Assembly. I 
spoke from Matt, ix, 12. In the after noon we went to David Fowlers, and 
I Spoke from Job xxi. 14, 15 and there was greater attention many affected 
deeply, after meeting the singers stopt and sung Some Time and concluded 
with Prayer and so we parted — 

Monday Sep'" 11. I went down to the German Flats. Young Elijah 
Wympy& I went together: we got thro Just before sun set, and I put up 
at my good Friends M'' Conrod Fols, was some woried and went to bed 
soon but had uncomfortable Nt of it there were so many vir" 

Tuesday Sep'' 12. got up very early, and it was very Lowery and so did 



not set out so soon as I intended, took Breakfast, and about 10 I sot out 
for Springfield, and just before I got to the Place I mist my way. got to 
south west of the Place [a] good ways and towards Night it began to be 
sc^verry, and just at Night, I calld at a certain House, to as[k] the way, 
and it began to rain, and asked me whether I Might stay there and I 
thanked him told [him] I wou'd and so I stayd ; tooke supper with them — 
and went to bed soon, and had comfortable rest — 

Wednesday Sep'" 13 Got up very early and got ready and they would 
have me stay to take Breakfast with them but I told them I wou'd take it 
another Time. — The man's Name is M'' Nicholas Lowe, they were very 
kind to me. the man had heard me at New York above 20 years back. So 
tooke good leave of them and went on my way. got to the Place about 9 
and call'd on M'" Winters but they were not at Home, the Women were at 
Home, and they got me Breakfast, they were exceeding kind. — and from 
thence I went to M'" Griffins, and was there till near sun sit, and then I went 
to M'' Stansel's, where a meeting was apointed, and there was a large Num- 
ber of People collected together, and I spoke from Rom. ii. 28-29: and the 
People attended with all gravity and [I] believe some felt the Power and 
Love of God. — T stayd at the same House, it is a Dutch Family and there 
is one young man in this House, Very Remarkable in Religion, he is a living 
christian. I believe is not ashamed of his Lord and Master, he was con- 
verted last Winter, and he is much opposed by the most of the Family. 
Yet he keeps on — he and I Lodgd together this night, after we had a Song 
conversation in the Family ; I was Treated well by the whole Family. 
Rested comfortably — 

Thirdsday Sep'' 14 and Fry'^ was at the place, went to see some Families. 
Lodgd once at M'' Dicks and once at M'" Crippins — 

Saturday Sep'" 16: Just after Dinner we went to one M'' Nicholas 
Pickards where the Christian People were to have a Conference meeting, 
the People collected Some Time in the after Noon, and they began by 
Prayer and sung, and they began to relate their Experiences, and there were 
12 men and three women, that related the work of god on their souls and it 
took them till near Mid Night, and it was the most agreable meeting that 
ever I was at. there were several Nations and Denominations & yet all 
harmonious, there was no Jar amongst them, but Peace and Love, there 
experiences were acording to the Doctrines of the Gospel. — I Lodgd at the 
same House & was very kindly entertained, the man is a Dutchman & his 
[wife] is Ireish woman, and both I believe were sincere Christians — 

Sabb Sep"' 17 : Near 10 we went to meeting at old M'" Pickards in his New 
House only coverd over head, and there was a Prodigious Number of Peo- 
ple and I spoke from Acts xi. 26. in the after Noon from the last Psa and 
the last verse — after meetg went to Deacon Childs, and in the Evening a 


number of young People came to the House to receive Instruction, and I 
spoke to them from some passages of Scripture, and after that we had 
Exercise with my Notes, and there was great solemnity amongst them, they 
were most all Dutch People they stayd late — 

Monday Sep'" iS: It was a Rainy Day, and I did not sit out. towards 
Night I went to M'" Pickards from M-" Crippens. M'" Nicholas Pickard 
went with me, the old gentleman and his wife received me with all kindness, 
and in the evening the Young People came together again for Instruction, 
and I spoke to them the words Remember thy Creator &c and after that we 
had Exercise with my cards again, and the People were much solemnised. 
We sot up somewhat late again. I rested comfortably once more — 

Tusday Sep'" 19: Got up early, and got Breakfast and then sot off, and 
got to M'" Fols just after sun set. went to Bed soon — 

Wednesday Sep'" 20 sot of Some What early, old E. Wimpy went 
with me and we got thro before Night, we overtook a num[berj of Stock- 
bridgers just come from there old settlement, found our Folks well — 

Sabb Sep'" 24 Had a meeting in David Fowlers Barn, and there was a 
large number of People collected, great many from old Town, — the bigest 
Assembly we have had since I came to this Place. I spoke from I Corin 
vii 29. 30. 31 : & Acts xvi. 28, and I believe we had the presence of god 
with us. many were deeply affected there was flow of Tears from many 
Eyes, — in the evening the singers went to Jacob Fowlers to sing, and I 
went there too, and they sung near two Hours and then [I] gave them a 
word of Exhortation and prayd, and things were done decently and in order, 
and so we parted once more in Peace and Love. I went backe to Brother 
Davids and soon went to bed quietly once more. The Lord be Praised — 

Monday Sep'" 25 Sot of about mid Day for old Town. David went 
with me in order to the Lake to Fishing, — Lodgd at Widow Quinnys, — 

Tuesday Sep'" 26, I did not feel well, and it looked like for Storm, and so 
we returnd backe got home some time before noon — 

Fryday Sep'" 28 : in the morning went to Stockbridgers, and toward Night 
Preachd a Discourse to them. I spoke from Gala vi. 15 and there was 
great solemnity in the congregation — Lodgd at Sir Peters — 

Sabath, Octo' i : Had our meeting in Jacob Concoppots and there was a 
Prodigious large congregation for the wilderness, some white People — I 
spoke from Psalm 58: 15: in the afternoon from Ezek xxxii: 11 and we 
had an Awfull solemnity in the assembly, there was a shower [of] Tears. 
I felt Bowels of Compassion towards my poor Brethren ; in the Evening 
the Stockbridgers met at Sir Peters, and they rehearsed what they heard in 
the Day, and they were Very Solemn ; at the end of their rehearsal, Sir 
Peter Pohquunnuppeet made a confession of his wanderings from God, and 
Asked the Peoples forgiveness, and he was very Solemn, and the People 
received him in their charity — 


Wednesday Oct'' 4 : had a meeting with our Young People, and there 
was many old People also, — I spoke from Prover xxii. i and there was 
uncommon attention amongst the People, Especially the Young People — 

Saturd morning Sep'" [Oct] 6: after the reading a chap'" I took notice of 
some Passages and spoke to the Family, and there was a solemn attention, 
and then I attempted to Pray, and I had an awful sense of the Miserable 
situation of mankind, and the goodness of God which melted down my soul 
before God, and there was much affection in the Family. — 

Sabb Octo'" 7 : Had a meeting in Brother Davids & there was but a little 
number of People by reason of the uncommon Floods in all the creeks, and 
on the Land, most of the Bridges were carried off, for it had been Raining 
several Days last week ; and it Rains yet ; Some Stockbridgers came to 
meeting for all the dreadful traviling. there [were] five women and four 
men. I spoke from I[sa] xl. 22, and I think I had an Awful sense of the 
Deplorable state of [the] sinful race of Adam, and some sense of the great- 
ness and goodness of God, and there was an Awful attention and flow of 
Tears — in the afternoon I spoke from Gene xxiv. 58 : and there was again 
a moving among the People : I hope they will not soon forget the Day. — In 
the evening they sung at Davids, and after singing I spoke to the Young 
People in particular, and they were greatly bowed down before the word. 
Some were d^eeply affected, and it was some [time] before we broak up the 
meeting, and they went home with solemnity. — 

Wednesday Ocf 11 : towards Night had a meeting with the Young Peo- 
ple, and we had Exercise with Christian Cards out of the old Testam* and 
there was an uncommon affection amongst them. I believe there was 
scarcely one but what was some what moved, and old People were moved 
too. — We sung a little after the Exercise — and so parted — 

Sabb Oct'" 15 Had a meeting in Brother David Fowlers and there was a 
great Number of People, and we had a solemn Meeting. I spoke from 
Matt 5. 

Monday Octo'" 16: a number of us, I think sixteen, all men went toNew- 
ToYi^n to have a Treaty with the Oneidas. We had calld them to our Town 
but they chuse to have us come to their Town, and we drove one creature 
to them to kill, we got there after sun sit went directly to the Councell 
House, David and I Lodgd there, and there rest were ordered elsewhere. I 
had but poor rest all Night, they have too many Vermine for me — 

Tuesday Octo'" 17: Some Time in the after noon, were calld to appear 
before the Councell and we were permitted to speak for ourselves, — and we 
related the whole of our transactions with them about the Land they gave 
us — for they had a notion to take it back again last summer, and only 
allow one mile square which we utterly refused, and we had not got thro 
that Day, and we were dismisst. in the evening we all went together in a 


certain House to sing and Pray together & after prayers David and I [went] 
Back to the Councell House to Lodge — 

Wednesday Octo"" iS Near mid Day we were calld again to the Coun- 
cell, and we resumed our relation and soon finishd and then we went out, 
and were calld again soon, and they begun to rehearse [what] we had 
deliverd, and they said it was all good and True, and then they made a New 
offer to us, to live in the same spot of Ground, but [not] to be bound by any 
Bound, but live at large with them on theer Land, which we refused, and we 
told them we chuse to [be] bounded, and they had bounded us allready, 
all most all round, and we wanted only to be bound abound where we were, 
and they took it under consideration. — 

.Thirdsday Ocf 19: We wer calld again, and, about 11 o c: we received 
the News of the Death of our oldest man in our Town, old uncle Cornelius, 
Dead the evening before, and so we were obligd to Drop our Business, and 
went homeward; I stopd at old T [own]. Lodged at Sir Peter Pohqun — 

Fryday Oct»' 20. I went off early, to our Town about 10: Towards 
Night we all [went] to the House of mourning, and I deliver [ed] a short 

Discourse from xxxix.4.5. and from thence [we] went to the grove, and 

we finished Buiiing after sun sit and I went home — 

Saturday Oct'' 21 : soon after Breakfast, sot of for old Town. Sally 
SResuck and I went together, got there before Noon. I sot a while in 
Widow Quinne's and then went to Sir Peters — and was there a while, and 
there came a man, and brought a Maloncholy word concerning Sally as she 
was returning and had Just got out of the Town the Mare got a fit of kick- 
ing up her heels, and crowded up against a fence, and-she fell Backward, 
and broak her right Arm ; I went directly to see her and found her in great 
Misery, we Splinted up her arm and so left, in the evening went again to 
see her, and she was in great Pains, and I tryd to bleed her, but I coud 
not make out. 

Sabb Oct'' 22, at usual Time went to meeting and our Folks had Just 
come and most of them went back to try to carry home Salley. the assem- 
bly was not so large as usual by reason of the above mentioned accident. 
And I spoke from I Corn x, 21, in the after noon from Matt iii : 11 and 
there was most sole[mn] attention thro the Day. I Baptized Sir Peters 
wife and child. — In the evening a Number of 'em met at Sir Peters, and 
there were 9 : or 10 manifested their exercises of mind. They never were so 
awakend about their souls affairs as they are now, there never was so many 
men 'brought to such consideration as they are now. they confest they have 
been and [are] vile sinners, and determine by the help of god to turn from 
their evel ways and seek God, They say they [that] it is by hearing me 
Preach to them; one old woman said she had some thoughts about Re- 
ligion, and was Baptizd some nine years ago, and she thought it was well 


enough with her till she heard me. she thinks now she never has met with 
anything, and she thinks it is a gone case with her. I gave her encourage- 
ment to press forward if at eleven Hour with her. She may yet come in. 
we broke up and I went to bed soon. — 

Monday Oct"' 23 A little past Noon four of our men came to old Town 
on their way to New Town, and I sot of with them directly, and we got 
there Just before sun sit, and the Councell was then sitting, and were 
orderd to a certain House, and in the Dusk of the evening we were calld, 
and after we sot there good while they read their Speech and Conclusion, 
and it was if [we] did not accept of their offer they would take the Land 
back again and we woud not accept of their offer, it was [to] take the Land 
at large without any bounds. — 

Tuesday Oct^' 24 ; our men went to Canaserake to Fishing, and I sot of 
for home. Stopt at the old Town, and intended to pass along, but they 
desired me to Stay to have a meeting in the Evening, and I consented ; in 
the evening they collected together I believe most all the old People, and 
many Young P. I Expounded upon TI Corin. xiii : 11 and there was 
deep attention with flow of Tears, after I had done two or three spoke in 
their own Tongue reharshing what I had deliverd, and the Chief man asked 
me as I was about to leave them, how they should go on in their religious 
concerns, and I told them as they were not formed into Church State, they 
shoud enter into Christian Fellowship and put themselves under Watch 
care of one another, and cary on the public Worship of god in Singing Pray- 
ing and reading of the word of God, and some Exhortation, and some 
Explination of the word of God and maintain Family Worship constantly — 

Wednesday Oct'" 25. Some Time in the morning I left old Town and 
went to our Town, got there a little before noon, and found Davids Family 
well, but one child was unwell, but not very sicke. 

Saturday Oct'' 28 : Our People pretended to have a convearence meeting, 
but one man who was most concernd in the meeting did not come, and so 
they did nothing, they concluded to cut the Road thro to the Flats. Just 
at Night two white men came to our Town from Spring Field, about forty 
miles from here, they came on purpose to give us a Christian Visit, we 
expected them and accordingly they came, and we were Glad to see each 
other. In the Evening we had a meeting, and there were Some Stock- 
bridge Brethren with us, and there was great moving and some making [up] 
and there was some crying out. held the meeting late. — 

Sabb. Octo'29: Many Stockbridgers came to meeting, about ten we 
began the Exercise, and there was great Assembly. I spoke from Matt 
xxiv: 14: and we had a solemn meeting, many were affected — in the 
evening we had another meeting, and there was great moving and some 
making up, and many were affected, but I believe there was more Natural 



affection than Gracious, afn [afternoon] there was considerable Noise, we 
were late before we left the Place. — 

Wednesday Nov' i, I had a meeting w4th the Young Peop[le] at David 
Fowlers, and they repeated the verses upon the Texts they chose the last 
Time they met, and it was a Solemn Time with us, many Tears were Shed. 
Several indeed are [under] Deep Convictions, and been so for Some 
Time — 

Saturday Nov'" 4 : near noon I sot of for New Stockbridge. Stopt a while 
at Brother Roger Waubys and took dinner there, and after eating past on- 
got to the Place towards Night, put up at Cap^ Hind[recks]. in the Even- 
ing we had a meetg. I dropt a few words, and many discoverd their 
Spiritual Exercise and it was a solemn Time, many confest and lamented 
their past conduct, and determind to live a Regular life in Time to 
come &c — 

Sabb. Nov 5 : People began to [be] collected together, and there was a 
great Number of P. we began the Exercise about ten! I Spoke [from] 
Joshua xxiv: 15, and I believe the Lord acompanied his word by his 
Divine Spirit, the People were Bowd before the word, — after speaking I 
Baptized [Blank], in the Evening we met again. I did not say much, and 
there was a numbgr again that discoverd their concern and resolutions, and 
it was a solemn Season, and we held the mg late. Lodged at Capt Hin- 
dricks again — 

Monday Nov 6: We had another meeting quite early, and there was 
much affection. I Spoke to them about the Nature of Baptism very close, 
and r Baptized [Blank]. Some Time towards noon I left New Stockbridge. 
Stopt a little while at Roger Waubys and so past on. got to Brother 
Davids Some Time in the after Noon,— in the eving we had a meeting, and 
it was a comfortable meeting : — 

Tuesday NoV 7 was geting ready to return homeward. Visited some 
Families — 

Wednesday Nov 8. Visited again and was busy geting ready— 

Thirdsday Nov 9: sot of early. Sir Peter Puhquennuppeet, Catty 
Quinney, Betsey Fowler and Elizy Corricomb went with me, and we were 
obligd to Lodge in the Woods, we coud not get thro' and it rain'd some, 
we found a good Hutt, and made out to make fire, and we lodged quite 
comfortable. I had good rest— 

Fryday Nov 10: got up some Time bsfore Day, and as soon as it was 
break a Day we tacled our Horses and went on. we got to M'' Folss Just 
after sun rise, took breakfast at Mr. Fols's : and about 8 : we sot off 
again. Stopt a little at Esq'' Franks, and near 12 we went on again. Got 
to Spring Field some Time in the Evening. \^e put up at Brother Crip- 
pens and we were Gladly receivd and we were glad to see them— 


Again Occom spent the winter at Mohegan, On the 26th 
of May, 1787, he began his next journey to Oneida, arriving 
at Fols' on the evening of July first. Here he met John Tuhie, 
who gave him intelligence concerning the state of his people. 
Among other things which he then learned was that several of 
them had died since he left. On the fourth instant, as he was 
preparing to journey through the wilderness to Brothertown, 
David Fowler and his wife, with " Sister Esther, Brother Jacob 
Fowlers widow," came in. Here, then, another of Wheelock's 
pupils drops out of our story. The circumstances and exact 
time of Jacob Fowler's death are unknown. He probably died 
shortly before Occom's arrival in the spring of 1787. But 
we know he lived a worthy life to the last, and died beloved 
among his people. He had done some service to his honor 
as a schoolmaster in the Oneida mission, the teacher and 
preacher at Mushantuxet, the Indian tutor at Dartmouth Col- 
lege, and the faithful messenger of " Brother Jonathan " during 
the Revolution. He is doubtless buried in an unmarked grave 
in their early cemetery on the hill at Brothertown. 

Here we resume the story as told in a volume of Occom's 
diary in the Connecticut Historical Society : 

Thirsday Jul. 5 [17S7] arrivd here Yesterday, this Day went nowhere 
but kept at Christiana all Day. — 

Sabb. July 8 : about 9 went to Brother Davids, and prety many People 
collected together. Both Towns got together, and Some White People, 
from Clenton. we began about 10, in Brother Davids Barn. I Spoke from 
Mathew [Blank] in the after Noon from Deuto x. and the People 
attend[ed] with great solemnity and some affection, towards Night went 
back to Daughters and Lodged there. — 

Thirdsday July 12 : Some Time before Noon I sot of from our Town, 
and went to New-Stockbridge. Stopt a while at Brother Roger's and took 
Dinner there, and soon after went on again, got to the Place about 2, put 
up at Cap* Hindreck's and Lodged, the People were exceeding glad to see 
me : but many of them were gone a fishing after Salmon. 

Fryday July 13: Some Time after Breakfast went to see a woman that 
had been some Sick. Peter Pohquunnuppeet went with me, and I had 
some conversation with her about her eternal concerns, she seemed to be 


reseignd. she said she was willing God should dispose of her as he 
Pleases. Prayed with her, and then went back to Cap* Hindrecks, and 
towards Night went to meeting, and there was but few Collected, and I 
spoke to them from xxxiii Psalm 12 verse, and there was very good at- 
tention, after I had done speaking Capt Hindreck rehersed what he could 
remember in his own Tongue and he made the last Prayer and so the People 
were dismissed, and I went home with Cap* Hindreck and Lodged there 

Saturday July 14. Some [time] in the morning went to see Joseph Pye, 
alias Shauqueathquat, and had very agreable conversation with him, his 
wife, sister & another old woman about their Heart Exercises, and they 
asked Some Questions and I answered them, and after a while I went back. 

Sabb July 15 about 10, we began the Divine Service, & there was a large 
number of People, many English were with us. I Spoke from I Corin 2:2: 
and Luke vii. 48 and the People attended with great solemnity, and grav- 
ity, after meeting went back to my lodgings, and Just before Sunset 
went to meeting again, and Capt Hindreck, and Peter Peet reharsed in the 
Indian Language, the Discourses I Deliverd in the Day, because many 
old People coud not readyly understand what Ideliver'd in the English, 
and in .the Evening went back to Cap* H^ and Sir Peter, Jo Queney and 
John Quenney came to my Lodgings and they asked many Questions, and 
we had very agreable Evenings Conversation and it was Rainey Night. 
went to Bed somewhat late and had comfortable repose. 

Monday July 16. Went to see several Families. This Evening 

after we had got to Bed, sot up quite late too, widow Quenn-ey Knocked at 
the Door, and she just look'd in, and spoke & she went back: and I ask'd 
what was the Matter, and Cap* Hindreck said, that Cathrine Quenney was 
taken very Strangely at once, her Breath was most gone all of a Sudden, 
and Cap* Hindreck and his wife got up and went to s^e her, and I lay still, 
and told them, if she continued so, let me know, and the Cap* came back 
directly, and desired me to go over, and I got up and Drest me and went 
over, and when I got into the House, I went right to her Bed Side, and sot 
down, she lay very still only Breathe with struggle, and sigh'd once in a 
while : and I asked her whether she was sick : she said no. what then is 
the matter with you, and slie said, with Tears, I want to Love God more, 
and serve him better; and I said to her, if She really Desired and asked for 
it she shu'd have her desire granted, for it was a good Desire, & gave her 
some further advice and counsel, and she desir'd me to Pray with her, and 
I asked her what we shou'd pray for. she said, that she may have more 
Faith, that she might serve with her whole Heart and so we pray'd, and 
after that I went back to my lodgings, and went to bed again quietly and 
had comfortable rest. — 


Tuesday July rj : Soon after Prayers I went over to see Catey and she 
was yet a Bed and I asked how [she] did. She said well, and asked how 
her mind was. She said, she found more love and Peace, and she wanted 
to serve God with all [her] heart. Said, she slept none or but little all 
Night, and her Body felt very weak, but her heart felt well : she desired me 
to pray with her. I asked her, what she wanted to pray for. she said for 
Wisdom and more Faith : and soon after Prayer I went to my Quaters, 
and about 10 my son in Law, Anthony Paul came to me and little Jo 
Wauby, and we went to the Lake. Stopt a little while at M'" Aucut's and 
were well treated, he is from Connecticut, — and so we past on. got [to] 
CoIqI Lewee's Just after sun set, and Lodged, but I had but small Portions 
of sleep. Flees Plagued me all Night. 

Wednesday, July 18: was at Lewees. We cou'd not find a connoo till 
afternoon, and then we went to the Lake, about 3 quaters of a mile, and 
wee made up a Fire where the Black Creek runs into the New Town creek, 
and there we spent the Night, some Five in the after [noon] I went to 
Salmon Creek near 3 miles, where the Block House was once. I had been 
there 26 years ago, there was then a number of sodiers, but it is all grown 
up with Large Stadles. there I saw a Family over the Creek, I suppose 
moving to the West, but I did not go over to see them, towards Night 
went back to our Fire, and we catch'd some Fish — we made up great Fire, 
and after a while went to sleep, but I was cold. — 

Thirdsday July 19, got up early and Pray'd and then got some Victuals 
and soon after we sot off to go to Salmon Creek, soon got there. I rode 
and the Boys went by water in a little Connoo. We went to fishing, but 
had no Luck, and so went back to our Fire, soon got there and went to 
fishing in the creek, and catch'd [a] few fish. Just at Night, we got ready 
to return home : Lodged again at Colo^ Lewees, but I had no comfort, I had 
too many Bed Fellows. — 

Fryday July 20, got up quite early and went of soon : Stopt a while at 
M^' Aleuts in New Town, took Dinner there, soon after we went on 
again, got to New-Stockbridge some [time] in the after Noon — sun about 
two hours high, at Night we had a meeting, there was not great many 
People, and I spoke to them from [Blank] and there was good attention, 
after meeting went to Bed soon and had a comfortable rest — 

Saturday July 21. Lay a Bed somewhat late, and Some Time before 
noon I left the Place, and went to Brotherton. Stopt a little while at 
Brother Roger Waubys and soon past on, got to my Daughter Christianas 
some Time before Night : and at Night went to Bed soon and had good 
rest — 

Sabb July 22. about 9 went to Brother Davids to meeting, and about 10 
began the service, and there was a large Assembly. I spoke from I Corin 


iii. II & Matt xxv. 46 and there was uncommon attention among the 
People, many were melted Down to Tears, some were alarm'd. I felt the 
Power of God's word myself, after meeting went to Brother David's 
House, for we met in his Barn. Just at Night went to my Daughters. — 

Thirsday July 26, towards Night I went to Abraham Simons, married 
him to Sarah Adams, they did not make any widding yet there was good 
many People. Lodged there — 

Saturday July 28. Some Time in the morning David Fowler and his 
wife, and I sot of to go to Deans Ville [Dean's Patent], and we went by 
way of Clenton, got to Clenton Some Time in the afternoon, and it was a 
Rainey Day, and very bad way, many Mirery holes, stopt a few minutes at 
Capt Foots, and so past on. got to M'" James Dean's about sun set, and I 
was kindly receiv'd, and I Lodg'd there. Brother David and his Wife went 
to M"" Jonathan Deans and Lodged there. 

Sabb July 29. about 9 went to M'" Felps's to meetg and there was con- 
siderable Number of People, and I spoke from the words, he that soweth 
to the flesh &c and let the word of Christ Dwell in you &c, and there was 
very good attention, after meeting went back to ]\P James Deans, and 
Lodged there again — 

Monday July 30: after Breakfast we sot of for Brotherton. got home 
about Noon, towards Night I went to my Daughters and found them 
well — 

Thirsday August 2. towards Night I went to Widow Esther P'owlers, 
and we had a mg [meeting] there, and there was not a great Number of 
People, our People are much scattered on account of the scarcity of Pro- 
visions. I spoke from Luke ix. 62 and there was an affectionate attention 
among the People. I Lodged at the same House — 

Saturday. Aug* 4 : Went to New-Stockbridge, got there before Night. — I 
put up at Sir Peter Pohequenuppeets. 

Sabb. Aug* 5. about 10 went to meeting, and there was a goodly number 
of People, — I Spoke from Theol. 3 : 20 and the People attended well, the 
People met again toward Night and Cap* Hindreck and Sir Peter Rehearsed 
what I had delivered in the Day. Baptised 2 Children one for Sir Peter by 
the Name Mary, and [the] other was for Joseph Quiney by the [name of] 
Joseph. — 

Monday Aug' 6. was at the Place all Day. — 

Tuesday Aug* 7. Some Time in towards noon I went to Brotherton. 
Stopt a little while at Rogers and 10 past on. got to Brother David abt 2 : 
and was there a little while, and down the Hill, got to my Daughter's some 
Time in the after Noon, found them well— 

Thirsday Aug* 9. Just at Night went to meeting at Sister Esther Fow- 
lers and there was but few People, it was Raney. I spoke from Matt xiii, 


2 &c, and there was great solemnity among the People. I Lodged at the 
Same House. — 

Sabb Aug* 12. went to Davids and about 10 we began the holy service 
and there was a great Number of People and I Spoke from Deut xxxiii. 27 
and the People attended well. Lodged at Brother Davids. Monday morn- 
ing went to my Daughters. 

Wednesday Aug^ 15= I ^^^ ^ Number of People come to clear a bid of 
ground for me from New Stockbridge and from this Place — the Names of 
the Stockbridgers, Cap* Ilindrick [Blank] 

Thirdsday Aug^ 16 they worked again, and they Laboured exceeding well, 
this is the first Labour I ever had from my Brethren according to the 
P'lesh, and it was a Voluntary offer and I accepted of it thankfully. I never 
did receive anything from my Indian Brethren before. Now I do it out of 
Principle. It is high Time that we should begin to maintain ourselves, and 
to support our Temporal & Religious Concerns, towards Night, we went 
up on the Hill and a meeting at Brother Davids, there was a considerable 
of People & I spoke from Psalm cxix : 97 and the word fell with great 
Power, many were deeply Bowed down : — after I had done, the People 
sung some Time. I Lodged at Brother David's and many of the Stock- 
bridgers stayd here too and we went to rest soon. — 

Fryday Aug^ 17 many of the Stockbridgers took Breakfast at Davids, 
and then they went home. I soon went after them. I got to the Place 
before Noon & put up at Cap*^ Hindricks. towards Night we had a meeting, 
and there was not many People, and I Spoke from John xv. 12. and we had 
a comfortable meeting, the Word was weighty in the minds of the People. 
M'' Kirkland was present and one M'' Olcut was there also. — 

Saturday, Aug* 18 in the afternoon towards N* the People got together 
& Cap* Hindrick Rehearsed what I deliver'd the Day before, and there 
was a solemnity among the People — 

Sabb Aug* 19, about 10 we began the service and there was a large N*' of 
People, and I Spoke from Deut xxvi. 16. 17. 18. 19 and Reval. xxii. 17 
and it was a solemn Day with us, as soon as the meeting was over, I had 
my Horse got up and I sot a way for Brotherton with our People ; got 
home to Davids about sunset and there Lodged — 

Thirdsday Aug* 23 I had 6 Stockbridgers to help me to clear Land, — 
and sun about an Hour high we had a meeting at Widow Fowler, and there 
was but a small number of People and I spoke from Hos vi : 3 and there 
was very good attention. — I Lodged at the Same House — 

Sabb. Aug* 26 about 9 went to meetiifg upon the Hill at Brother Davids, 
and about 10 began the Divine worship and there was a large number of 
People, & I spoke from Rom. i. 16 & iii. i. 2: and there was a solemn 
attention amongst the People. — at the end of the afternoon sermon, I Bap- 



tized my Son in Law Anthony, and my Daughter Christiana owned her 
Baptism and renew[ed] her covenant with god, and I Baptized their chil- 
dren : their Names are, Samson, James, Sarah, Fhebe— these were the first 
that were Baptized in this New Settlement, and I hope and Pray that it 
may be only the beginning of multitudes in this Wilderness, till the Whole 
Wilderness shall Blossom as the Rose — 

Thirds Day Aug' 30 Just at Night went [to] Widow Fowler's and had a 
meeting, but there was but very few People. I spoke from the words, O 
that my People woud consider — 

Saturday Sep"" i I went to Deansville, one 1)'" Petre went with me, he is 
a garman Doctor, we got there Some Time before Night, took Tea at 
M"" James .Dean's, and before sun set I went to M'" J.)na" Dean's, and there 
I Lodged and the Doctor Lodged there also. 

Sabb. Sep'" 2. about 11 we began the worship of god, and there was but a 
small number of People and I spoke from John xv, 23 & xiv. 23 and 
People attended with solemnity all Day. Lodged af M'' James Deans 
where the meeting was. Esq While and I Lodged together, and had a 
comfortable rest — 

Monday Sep"" 3 : I got up early and went to M'- Phelps's and there I took 
Breakfast. Some Time in the morning went back to M^ James Deans, and 
leave and went home, got to Brotherton about i in the afternoon. — 

Thirday Sep^" 6: towards Night went to Sister Esther Fowlers and had a 
meeting, and there was but few People, and I spoke from I Peter i : 15 : and 
the People attended solemnly to appearance, as soon as the meeting was 
over I went back to my Daughters and it was very Dark, but had Torches 
to give us light thro' thick Woods — 

Sabb Sep"" 9: went to Brother David's to meeting, wc begun the service 
about [Blank] and there was considerable number of People, and I spoke 
from Acts xvii, 28 & 30 and we had a solemn meeting, many were deeply 
affected. Several Onoydas were there — toward Night I went back to my 
Daughters and went to bed soon — 

Thirdsday Sep"" 13 this Day we had appointed as a Day of fasting and 
prayer. We met at David Fowler's and there was a considerable number 
of People, and I spoke from Luke xv and it was a solemn Day. there 
were some that made confession of their wanderings from god, many were 
bow'd before the Majesty of Heaven and I believe [the] Day will not be 
forgot soon. 

Sabb Sep"" 16 had our meeting at Brother David Fowlers, and ther was a 
great Number of People, 3 men came from Stock — left M^ Serjan's meeting, 
and there were some white People, and the People attend with Awful 
Solemnity. I spoke from Daniel [blank] and Psalm cxix. i, after meeting 
went [to] George Peters and took supper there and after went back to 
Davids & lodged there. 


The continuation of this narrative is from a volume of the 
diary in Dartmouth College Library : 

Thirdsday Sepr 20. 17S7. Just at Night had a meeting at Widow Fow- 
lers, and there was not many People, and I gave them a few words of 
Exhortation, from Luke vi. 8 and the People attended with great solemnity, 
and some affection, after meeting I went to Brother Davids & Lodged 
there — 

Fryday Sep"" 21 Some Time in the morning went to New Stockbridge. 
David Fowler Ju'" went with me. we got there about 2, called on Mr Ser- 
geant and he appered good condition'd, and so to Sir Peters, and directly 
from there we went to meeting and there was considerable number of Peo- 
ple, and I spoke from Mark v. 9 and there was very good attention. This 
meeting was Designd chiefly for the young People. — soon after meeting 
went back to Sir Peters, and tooke some refreshment, and soon after Sun 
Set went to meeting again, and there was great Number of People and 
there was Several that related there exercises of mind. — three men, three 
women relate their Exercises, a Young man, and a maried woman, mani- 
fested their desire of Being Baptized and some Children were to be Bap- 
tized also. — M^" Serjant made some objection against two Being Baptized, 
but the Professors gave their fellowship to their Desire. — & so we broke 
up our meeting some late in the Evening. I [went] to Peters and their I 
Lodged, and had good rest — 

Saturday Sep*" 22 was all Day at the Place — 

Sabb Sep^ 23 : about 10 we went to meeting, and there was a large num- 
ber of People, many of our People from Brotherton came also, and some 
White[s] were there, and M"" Serjant read a Discourse to the Indians in 
their Tongue and read it also in English, he read his Prayer also in Indian, 
and he prayed partly in English — In the afternoon I tryed to Preach. 
I spoke from Acts x. 34. 35 and there was very great solemnity. Some 
were much affected. — and I Baptized at this Time Eight persons two adults 
& the rest children : The Name of the Young [man] is Solomon and the 
woman [Blank]. Soon after meeting I went to Sir Peters — In the evening 
we had another meeting, one of the men reharsed what [I] had deliver'd 
in the Day. after meeting went back with Sir Peter and Lodged there 
again — 

Monday Sep'" 24, I took Breakfast with M"" Sergeant and soon after Break- 
fast I returnd to Brotherton. Betsy Fowler fid behind me and got to the 
Place near Noon. Stopt but few minutes at Brother Davids and past on to 
my Daughters 

Tuesday Sep'" 25: eleven Stockbridgers came to our Place to help, and 
some of our men came also. — 

272 SAMSOjV occom 

Wednesday I had help again till after Noon — 

Thirdsday Sep"" 27 in the Evening had meeting at Widow Fowlers, there 
was but few People and I Spoke from [Blank] and there was a solemn 
attention, after I had done speaking two of our People spoke a [few] 
words, one after another, & when they had done a white man got up and 
Spoke, and he spoke with a feeling, he gave an account of a remarkable 
reformation in Vergena — He came from Stockbridge — after meeting I went 
up to Brother David Fowlers & Lodged there. — 

Saturday Sepr 29 about i in the after Noon, my Son in Law, Anthony 
Paul and Daughter Christiana and Betsey Fowler sot of for Whites Bour- 
row, but we were overtaken with Night at one M' Blanckets and there we 
Lodged, and were exceedingly well entertained, and we had a little Exer- 
cise with a Christian Card, — we went to Bed in good season, and I had a 
comfortable Rest — 

Sabb Sepr 30 Got up very early and Prayd together and then we Sot of. 
we had near four Miles to go and it was extreamly Bad riding. Dreadful 
miry — We got to the Place just as Esq White was about taking Breakfast, 
and we sot down with them — and soon after Breakfast we went to meeting 
to another House and there was a large N. of People, and I spoke from 
Isaia 43:21: and there was great attention in the Assembly. I believe 
they felt the weight of the w^ord, — after meeting; I went home with M*" 
Weatmore, and tooke Dinner with them, in the after Noon meeting was 
removed to this House on account of a funeral that is to be attended in this 
House, for an Infant just Born Dyed in this House last Monday, it liv'd 
about two Hours after it was Born, and they have kept the corps to this 
Day for they expected me here this Day. this is the first Death that 
happend in this Place since it has been settled, it has been settled three 
years, and it is now a large Settlement, this after Noon I spoke from 
Isaia 38 : i and it was a Solemn Time, indeed many were deeply affected, 
there was a shower of Tears, soon after meeting we carried the little corps 
to the grave it was but a few Rods from the House, after Burying returned 
to the House — in the Evening went to Mr Livingworths and spent the 
evening there — about 10 went back to M^ Weatmores and Lodged there — 

Monday Octo'' i got up early, took Breakfast with Family, after Break- 
fast went lO Esq'" Whites, and got ready, and about 9 we sot off for Home. 
Lieui White & M'' Leavett went to our Place — as we past a long, took 
Notice of the Settlement, and it is a fine Spot of Land, and a very large 
Spot too, and the People has made a rapped Progress in cultivating the 
Land, if the People were as ingag'd in Religion as. they are in their 
Temporal Concerns this Settlement would be very much like the Garden 
of Eden, which was the Garden of God. the Lord be with them and 
l^less them that they may indeed be a Peculiar People unto God, that 


they may be Lights in this Wilderness — We Stopt a while at Clenton, — 
and we got Home just as the sun was setting. — 

Thirdsday Oct'' 4: in the Evening had a meeting in Widow Fowlers, and 
there was but few People, and I Spoke from [Blank] and we had a com- 
fortable Season — 

Sabb Oct'" 7 : had a meeting in Brother Davids and there was not many 
People, and I Spoke from [Blank] and we had a solemn meeting: Lodg'd 
at Brother Davids — 

Tuesday Ocf 9: about i in the afternoon I sot of for Clenton, got there 
Some Time before Night. Stopt a little while at M>' Jones's to see his wife, 
had been sick some Time and she was very poorly, and went from there to 
Cap* Foot's and in the Evening the People collected together and I spoke 
to them from John xxi: 22 and there was great solemnity amongst the 
People. I believe some felt the weight of the word — the Beginning of last 
March there was no House in this Place, a perfect Wild Wilderness. Now 
there are 20 Families and there were seventy odd Persons in the meeting 
this evening, and have made great appearance in their improvements, 
these are chiefly from New England and Youngerly People — 

Wednesday Oct'' 10 Stayd here till after Dinner, and then went to a cer- 
tain House betweren this Place^and Whitesbourough about half way. the 
mans Name is Blanchet. I got there Some Time before Night, and had a 
meeting, and there was a considerable Number of People, and I Spoke 
from Psalm cvii, 31 : and the People attended exceeding well. — this was 
all a wild Wilderness in the beginning of last spring & now the People are 
settling al along from Whitesbourgh to Clenton — in few Years this wifl be 
settled thick as any part of the Globe the Land is so good, it draws all 
sorts of People and Nations are flocking here continually — 

Thirdsday Oct'' 11. some Time [after] Breakfast I sot of for home — 
Stopt a while at Cap* Foots in Clenton and took Dinner, went on again, 
got to my Daughters — and in the evening we had a meeting [at] Sister 
Esther's, and was not many People and I spoke from Psal cvii. 31 and 
there was an uncommon attention, many were deeply affected. — 

Fryday Octo*" 12 some Time in the morning I sot of for N. Stockbridge 
and had a meeting there in the Evening, and I spoke from [Blank] and 
there was good atention. Lodgd at Sir Peters — 

Saturday Octo 13: About 2 in the afternoon I went toDeanville [Dean's 
Patent] got to the Place about sun set. Peter went, found Mr* Dean 
exceedingly distrest with uncommon Difficulties in her Pregnancy, and 
Peter and I went to M'' Jonathan Deans and Lodged there, and 2. o. c. in 
the Night I was called up to the other House, and Bleed M" Dean and I 
went directly, and found her much distrest and took Blood from her foot 
and Bled exceeding well — and her distresses begun to mitigate directly, and 


I stayd the rest of the Night and she was somewhat comfortable — I was 
calld up again before Day to write to Doc'" for them, for they were sending 
to Albany for one, and were sending for M'' Dean too for he had been gone 
some Time to Spencertown — 

Sabb Octo'" 14: about 10 the People got together, and there was a large 
number of People, many White People from other Places and many Indians 
from Both our Towns. I spoke from Matt v, 20 & 5 and there was a sol- 
emn attention all Day. Soon after meeting Peter and I went to Clenton. 
got there a little after Sun Set. We put up at Cap* Foots and the People 
Collected directly and there was quite a large number, and I spoke from 
[Blank], we lodged at the Same House & had comfortable rest — 

Monday Octo'" 15: Soon after Breakfast went to mill, and was there Some 
Time, before we coud get Grinding — we got to our Place about i : and Sir 
Peter past on to his Place — 

Thirdsday Octo"" 18 : Went to Stockbridge to a wedding Just before SunSet, 
attended upon Marriage, the Young man was one the Sachem's son and the 
Young woman was of noted Family, and there was a vast concourse of Peo- 
ple of many Nations, it was Said there were ten different Languages among 
the People and the People behaved decently, but the Onoydas began to be- 
have unseamly and in the Night they had a terrible froleck even all Night — 

Fryday was all Day at the Place — in the evening we collected together at 
Cap* Hindrecks. I spoke from Matt 6 : 22 : 23 and there was a solemn 
attention, after I had done Cap' Hindreck rehearsed the Same. Lodgd 
at the Same House — 

Saturday Octo'" 20: some Time in the afternoon I returnd to Brotherton. 
M'" Warmsly went with me. we stopt at Roger Waubys and there took 
Dinner; soon after Dinner I went on and M'" Warmsly went back. I got 
to Brother Davids before Night and I Lodgd at Davids — 

Sabb. Octo'" 21 : about 10 the People got together & [there] was a large 
Number of People, Some white People and I spoke from John xiii. 17 
and the People were very solemn and many were affected. Lodged at the 
Same House — 

Monday Octo'" 22, in the evening had a meeting in Sister Fowlers, and 
there was not many People and I spoke from [Blank] and the People 
attended well. Lodgd at the same House. 

Tuesday Octo'" 23. People from Stockbridge came to help me — the[re] 
were 5 of them and they workd two Days. 

Thirdsday Octo"" 24: we were calld suddenly to appear before the chiefs 
of the Onoyd, that had Just come to our Place — and we eat our Breakfast 
in hast, and went direcly to Widow Fowlers and there the chiefs meet with 
us, and it was about our Lands. But there was such confusion I woud not 
say a word about it. it was a party Scheme, contrivd by a few of our Peo- 


pie. they [have] been agreing with the Onoydas for a Piece of Land with- 
out the knowledge of the Headmen of the Place. Some of the contrivers 
of this mischief were much intoxicated and they drove on the Business with 
all fury in no order, it was like Whirlwind. Some Time towards Night we 
broke up and every one went his way : in great confusion of mind. — I went 
to Brother Davids and there Lodgd with a sorrowful mind. — 

Fr}day Octo'" 25 was at our Places all Day 

Saturday Octo'" 26 Towards Night Just as I was going away to Clenton 
Brother Chrippen and B"" Swane came to my son in Laws, and we had a 
little conversation, these Brethren are from a Place called Springfield, 
Joing to Cherryvaley ; so I left them, and went on to Clenton. got there 
about sun set put up at Cap' Foots, found them all well. — 

Sabb. Octo*' 27 about half after 10 we began the exercise, and there w^as 
a large Number of People, some from other Places, & several Stockbridgers 
were with us, and there was very great attention both before noon and 
afternoon, 1 spoke from John. I know you that the Love of god is not in 
you, in the afternoon from Mark viii, 36, 3*7. as soon as the meeting was 
done I went of to Brotherton, the Stockbridgers went with me. we got 
there about Sun Set. we eat a few mouthfulLs and went to meeting at 
sister easter's and there was not much moving, there seemed to be some 
party spirit in the meeting. — 

Sabb. Nov'" 4 Preached at New Stockbridge & Spoke from [Blank] 
and there was very serious attention al Day 

Monday Nov'" 5: went back to Brotherton — 

Sabb. Nov'" 11 : Preachd at Brotherton once more and Baptized Brother 
David Fowler's Children six of them, and we had a solemn Day of it. in 
the.evening we had another meeting, and it was a comfortable meeting — 

Monday Nov'" 12 this Day intended to set out for home but it begun 
[raining] in the morning, and so stopt for the Day — 

Tuesday Nov'" 13: Got up very early and got ready, and we sot out Sun 
about an Hour and half high. Betsy Fowler, Jerusha Wympe and Henry 
Stensel a young Dutch man went with me. we had exceeding fine warm 
Day. got thro' the woods before sun sit. I put up at Conrod P'olss. 
Jerusha and Betsey went to M"" Smiths about 2 miles further. 

Occom did not return directly to IMohegan after this visit ; 
but in company with Davjd Fowler, representing the Brother- 
town Indians, and Peter Pauquaunaupeet those of New Stock- 
bridge, went on a journey to solicit aid for the maintenance of 
Occom as their minister. Of this ecclesiastical relationship 
we shall write presently. They drew up an address stating 
their case to use on this mission : 


To all Benevolent Gentlemen, to Whom these followmg lines may make 
their appearance. 

We who lately mov'd from Several Tribes of Indians in New England, 
and Setled here in Oneida Country.— And we also Muhheeconnuck Tribe, 
who lately came from Housotonuk alias Stockbridge, and have settled in 
Oneida, And finding it our indispensible Duty to maintain the Christian 
Religion amongst ourselves in our Towns, And from this Consideration, 
Some of us desired our Dear Brother, the Rev^ Samfon Occom, to give us 
a visit, and accordingly, he came up two years ago this Fall, and he was 
here a few Days ; and his preaching came with great weight upon our 
Minds. And he has been here two Summers and Falls since. And we 
must confess to the Glory of God, that God has made him an Eminant 
Instrument amongst us, of a Great and Remarkable Reformation. And 
have now given him a Call to Settle amongst us, and be our Minister that 
we may enjoy the glorious Doctrines and ordinances of the New Testament. 
And he has accepted our Call.— But we for ourselves very weak, we c'd do 
but very little for him. And we Want to have him live comfortable. 

The late unhappy wars have Stript us almost Naked of every thing, our 
Temporal enjoyments are greatly lesstened, our Numbers vastly diminished, 
by being warmly engaged in favour of the United States. Tho' we had no 
immediate Business with it, and our Spiritual enjoyments and Priviledges 
are all gone. The Fountains abroad, that use to water and refresh our 
Wilderness are all Dryed up, and the Springs that use to rise near are 
ceased. And we are truly like the man that fell among Thieves, that was 
Stript, wounded and left half dead in 'the high way. — And our Wheat was 
blasted and our Corn and Beans were Frost bitten and kill'd this year. — 
And our moving up here was expensive and these have brought us to great 
Necessity — And these things have brought us to a resolution to try to get 
a little help from the People of God, for the present; for we have deter- 
mined to be independent as fast as we can, that we may be no longer 
troublesome to our good Friends, — And therefore our most humble Request 
and Petition is, to the Friends of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, [that they] 
would take notice of us, and help us in encourageing our Dear Minister, in 
Communicating Such Things that may Support him and his Family. — This is 
the most humble request and Petition of the Publicks true Friend & Brothers 

Elijah W^impey 
New-Stockbridge David Fowler 

Nov 28: 1787 Joseph Shauquethgent 

Brotherton Hendrech Aupaumut 

Nov'' 29: 1787. Joseph Quaunckham 

Peter Pohquenumpec* 
Conn. Hist. Soc, Indian Papers. 


The principal places they visited on this tour were Newark, 
New Brunswick, Trenton and Princeton in New Jersey, and 
they spent about a month in and about Philadelphia, return- 
ing by the way of New York. Some funds were collected, but 
much less than they had hoped. It was the thirty-first of March, 
1788, before Occom reached home. He there resumed his work 
until the twenty-sixth of May, when he started again for Oneida, 
arriving at Brothertown July eighth. We have not a complete 
account of that visit, and a lost volume of the diary leaves us 
without details until May 11, 1789. On that date we find him 
at Albany moving his family and other New England Indians 
to their new homes. It is known, however, that he spent his 
time as in the preceding years. We regret most the loss of 
the account of his own departure from the Mohegan home, 
where he had so long lived. It must have cost him some sorrow. 
Most of his furniture he was obliged to leave behind in the 
care of his sister, Lucy Tantaquidgeon, or his younger sons. 
On the wall hung the painting of him which had been made in 
England and presented to him. His books he could not 
carry, and perhaps we owe to that fact the preservation of so 
many of them, as. in time they became scattered. His book- 
case or secretary was left, and its two parts are now separated, 
one being in the Connecticut Historical Society rooms. So he 
left Mohegan, the home of his fathers, which he more than 
any other Christian Indian has made famous. Although he 
visited New England in the September following and stood 
again in his familiar and noted house on the hillside, he had 
finished there his work. The company he then led forth con- 
tained all who could then be persuaded to emigrate, and so 
this Indian Moses brought his people into their promised land. 
The journey was doubtless made on a schooner from New Lon- 
don to Albany, where they took wagons to Schenectady and 
in bateaux followed the course of the Mohawk river until they 
reached the trail through the woods to Brothertown, 

278 SAA/SOjV occom 

It is evident that Occom's journeys to and fro afforded him 
an excellent opportunity of ministering to the infant settle- 
ments along the route of westward emigration, then setting in 
with a strong current. No one could do it better. He had 
no sectarian prejudices, and was content to preach in any 
sort of a place to any kind of an audience. Everybody knew 
him. All received him gladly into their homes. He married 
couples, baptized children, visited and doctored the sick, and 
attended funerals. In the evenings when no neighborhood 
meeting could be held, he gathered the young people about 
the pioneer's fireside, and entertained and instructed them 
with a game which he had devised, called "Christian cards." 
These were versified passages of Scripture printed on card- 
board, which he gave out to the company and as they were 
read he offered some comments upon them. He seems to 
have had an Old Testament and a New Testament pack ; and 
the art was in the appropriateness of the card to the person, 
at which religious dealing the Reverend Occom was doubtless 
expert, though he does note instances when one "did not 
get the card which he intended." Occasionally he met with 
those who were fond of singing, as he was himself. Then from 
the copy of his own "Hymns and Spiritual Songs," which he 
carried in his pocket, he would lead the company in praise. 
Of course there was a novelty in his being an Indian minister, 
which furthered his popularity in the cabin of the woodsman 
as it had among the nobility of England ; but he was never 
conscious of any such distinction. He won respect and 
affection wherever he went in the settlements because he 
honored his own mission. Some were New England people 
who were glad to hear a sermon once more. Many were 
shepherdless sheep in the wilderness. All were interested in 
the outside world they had left, and were ready to welcome a 
visitor who had news to impart of any sort to while away the 
evening hour. There were formal occasions, too, even among 


pioneers, when a minister was needed to add dignity to the 
event. Such was the first "training day" at Clinton, the first 
of September, 1789, when the military, making a "fine appear- 
ance," waited on the Indian minister at Colonel Timothy 
Tuttle's newly built frame house and escorted him to the place 
of assembly, where he delivered to them an " exhortation " and 
prayed, as they had been wont Jto order the day in New Eng- 
land. Sometimes there was a novel aptness in his sermon 
texts which must have captured his auditors, as when at the New 
Lebanon Springs he chose the -words, " Now there is at Jeru- 
salem a pool," or when in a back settlement he spoke on "A 
three days' journey into the wilderness." The most amusing 
incidents of his travels are recorded in the utmost seriousness. 
The track of his humor is covered like the trail of an Indian ; 
there is not a trace of a smile in any of his writings. An acci- 
dent several years before had made him lame, and he could 
not walk far. So he went from place to place, riding such a 
horse as he could own, one of which must have revived the 
memory of his traditional ill-fortune by expiring in a quagmire. 
So in winter and in summer, as it chanced, through rivers, 
intervales and forests, he pursued his mission. 

Meanwhile, however, Occom was doing his utmost for the 
religious welfare of the Rrothertown and Stockbridge Indians. 
The latter, in 1785, when the main body arrived, had no 
minister nor any prospect of one, for Sergeant did not accom- 
pany them. Their town was west of Brothertown, and six 
.miles only, says Occom, from Fowler's house on the hill. 
This was not inconvenient for the New Stockbridge Indians. 
So they fell naturally and without any improper persuasion on 
Occom's part into the plan of worshiping on alternate Sun- 
days in Fowler's barn and in some house at Stockbridge. He 
thus combined the tribes in one parish, to which he minis- 
tered for two seasons before Sergeant made his first visit to 
his people. By this time he had established himself in the 


favor of those who had formerly been under Sergeant's care, 
and had removed as a church into the wilderness or had 
brought letters from the old church intending to form one. 
These and some of the Brothertown Indians united, in 1787, 
in extending a call to Occom.^ This w^as in the month of 
August and before Sergeant arrived. At this time the Stock- 
bridge minister had no inte^ntion of removing to the new 
settlement. He knew the Indians could not support him, and 
grants from the English and Scotch societies had been cut off. 
The two ministers met on the twenty-first of September, as related 
in Occom's diary, and on the following Sabbath they shared the 
services of the day. Then Occom wdth representatives of 
both tribes made the above-mentioned journey to see what 
support he could obtain in his ministry. That autumn, how- 
ever, the situation was changed by the incorporation of a new 
society in Massachusetts, called "The Society for Propagating 
the Gospel among the Indians and others in North America." 
Sergeant went to Boston and applied to the society for aid. 
He was accepted and ordained as an evangelist with a view of 
continuing his mission among the Stockbridge tribe. This 
caused a division among his people, some adhering to him 
and others to Occom. Such was the origin of these two 
churches. Sergeant gives some account of the matter in a 
letter to Rev. Peter Thacher, secretary of the new society, 
dated May 19, 1788, from which we quote: "The dispute 
began upon this question, whether they had better take Mr. 
Occom or myself for their minister, as he was about to settle 
in a neighboring town, expecting to have him part of the time, 
and could support him easier than myself. In their division 
of the tribe on the question, there w^ere 30 for Mr. Occom 
and 50 for myself. Since my new appointment half of the 
30 have openly left Mr. Occom. I have n't time, Sir, to 
mention some unkind measures Mr. Occom has taken to 

^ This document and the reply are in the Conii. Hist, Soc, India^i Papers. 


support his wish, but only mention that the bigger half of my 
people are so prejudiced against Mr. Occom that I sincerely 
believe if I were to leave them they would be most unhappy. 
In the division of the old professors belonging to the 
Stockbridge church 10 were for Occom and 16 for me." ^ 

Samson Occom removed permanently to Bcothertown in 
1789. The Stockbridge minister was then among his people, 
though it is said he did not remove his family thither until the 
year 1796.''' An attempt was made July 26, 1789. to adjust 
these differences in a meeting at New Stockbridge, but with- 
out success. So they concluded, as Occom says, " That every 
one should have full liberty to chuse and act in accordance 
with the light and understanding he has in his religious con- 
cerns." Sergeant, having good assurances of outside support, 
had the advantage ; but Occom had been first on the field and 
had been regularly called to be their minister. Joseph Pye 
and Joseph Quinney, who had been conspicuous in calling 
Occom, finally went over to Sergeant's church; but "Sir 
Peter" and Captain Hendrick remained faithful to him. 
Thus Occom ministered at Stockbridge and at Brothertown — 
after 1788 in the schoolhouse — until his death. By the divi- 
sion of the Suffolk Presbytery, he became a member of the 
Presbytery of Albany. This fact led him to bring his church 
into that ecclesiastical fellowship, which he did with their 
approval, being instructed by them, September 8, 1 791, "to 
spend a portion of his time among the Brothertown Indians 
and explain to them the discipline laid down in the Confes- 
sion of Faith and render an account of his diligence therein." ^ 
Still he seems, from the beginning, to have considered his 
church of the Presbyterian order. Only a few months before 

'^MSS. of the Society^ Am. Bd. Com. For. Miss. Sergeant was certainly com- 
missioned by this society in 1788, two years earlier than the time noted in the printed 
volume, Soc. for Prop, the Gos.^ 1887, p. 40. 

'Jones' Anjtals of Oneida County, pp. 888, 889. * 

* MS. Records of the Albajiy Presbytery. 


his death, in 1792, he wrote as follows: "The People I attend 
upon, have willingly and cheerfully adopted the Confession of 
Faith of the Presbyterian Church of the United States in 
America — they Joyfully put themselves under the Care and 
inspection of our Presbytery, and thankfully receive the Gos- 
pel Fellowship open'd for them and will from this Time Look 
upon themselves [as] one with the Presbyterian Family. Sir, 
This Church is the first Indian Presbyterian Church that 
ever was formed by Indians themselves, for we had no white 
man to assist us when we formed."^ 

After Occom's death, through the instrumentality of Rev. 
Samuel Eells, missionary in that region in behalf of the Gen- 
eral Association of Connecticut, the Stockbridge portion of 
his church was united with that of Mr. Sergeant. A meeting 
for this purpose was held at New Stockbridge, September 24, 
1793. Mr. Eells then had a statement of the case from the 
minister, the church, and the principal Indians of the tribe 
not members. He declared his opinion that both ministers 
were "good men." In view of the circumstances, however, he 
thought it best to unite the Stockbridge Indians under Mr. 
Sergeant's ministry, which he accordingly did.^'^ . This was a 
wise union for that portion of Occom's church, but it left the 
members of the Brothertown tribe to become the prey of such 
religious factions as might spring up among them through the 
influence of the itinerant preachers of the time. Thereafter 
they had only such ministers or exhorters as were raised 
up among their own people. So ends the story of Occom's 
Teligious ministration among his people. 

■' Wlieelock Papers. 
^" Eells' account — MSS. Conn. Home Miss. Soc. 



The famous author of " The Pioneers " has put into the 
mouth of Nathaniel Bumppo, his hero in adventure, the follow- 
ing impressive utterance : " When I look about me at these 
hills, where I used to could count sometimes twenty smokes, 
curling over the tree tops, from Delaware camps, it raises 
mournful thoughts, to think that not a redskin is left of them 
all : unless it be a drunken vagabond from the Oneidas or 
them Yankee Indians, who they say be moving up from the 
sea-shore, and who belong to none of God's creatures, to my 
seeming, being, as it were, neither fish nor flesh — neither white 
man nor savage. Well, well ! the time has come at last, and I 
must go." ^ It was too bad, surely. Leather-stocking, that the 
Indian, who had been crowded out of New England and could 
no longer be a savage there if he would, should attempt to 
make a new home in the wilderness and live there like a civi- 
lized man ! But one thing was worse — this, that the white 
man would not give him a chance to try it in peace. 

Samson Occom, more than any other North American Indian, 
had considered the problem of civilizing his people. He knew 
their weaknesses and appreciated the difficulties. His expe- 
rience in the Mohegan Land Case, his large acquaintance with 
Indian affairs in many tribes and his repeated conferences 
with those whites who were most engaged in such matters, had 
brought him to see the situation in all its lights and ponder 

1 The Pioneers, Cooper, Chap. XLL 



much over it. If any native has merited the dignity of being 
called an Indian statesman, that man was Samson Occom. 
To recapitulate his views : he believed in the efficacy of Chris- 
tian missions, and in education, particularly in industrial 
affairs ; but he seems to have thought that the civilization of 
the Indian depended in large measure upon his relation to the 
land upon which he lived. So long as he roamed at large in 
the forest, he thought the native would remain a savage. It 
was necessary to gather them apart from the white men and 
on land which they could not sell, wjiere they could be taught 
industrial pursuits and obtain a living from the soil. More- 
over, he believed in maintaining, so far as possible, a tribal 
unity, establishing a form of self-government under the pro- 
tection of the state, and preserving the Indian blood in its 
purity, especially from a mixture with the negro. These prin- 
ciples he sought to embody in the Brothertown tribe and the 
town they founded. 

We have already a considerable acquaintance with the indi- 
viduals who were most prominent in this movement — Occom, 
his brothers-in-law, David and Jacob Fowler, and his son-in-law, 
Joseph Johnson,, of one family by marriage, two of them min- 
isters and all pupils of Rev. Eleazar Wheelock. But other 
educated Indians were participants in this affair. Abraham 
Simons, Emanuel Simons, James Niles and John Matthews, 
among the founders, were also pupils at the Indian Charity 
School. Others educated there in part were interested, and 
their kindred or descendants removed to Brothertown, as, for 
instance, Samson Wauby, Samuel Niles, James Simons, Han- 
nah Poquiantup, Hannah Garrett, Mary Seketer, Sarah Simons, 
and Hannah Nonesuch. Samuel Tallman was there before 
the Revolution. Samuel Ashbow, the Mohegan preacher, was 
there for a time. Benjamin Toucee, a son of David, an early 
Farmington friend of the movement who died before its 
accomplishment, had been a student at Dartmouth College. 


In fact, nearly every one of Wheelock's pupils, who was of 
the New England tribes and lived to that day, was concerned 
in the founding of this Indian town. It was a natural fruit of 
Wheelock's work which he did not live to see and of which he 
never dreamed. Other conspicuous members of the Brother- 
town tribe had been pupils in the schools of the seven settle- 
ments of Christian Indians. Such were Elijah Wampy, Sam- 
uel and John Adams, and Andrew Acorrocomb of Farmington ; 
John Tuhie, Roger Wauby, and John Skeesuck of Charles- 
town; and Samson Poquiantup and James Sampson of Groton. 
Moreover, Occom had a large circle of family connections who 
became residents at Brothertown. His daughter Olive mar- 
ried Solomon Adams, son of the above-named Samuel, and 
Anthony Paul married his daughter Christiana. Ephraim 
Pharaoh of Montauk was his brother-in-law. He was related 
to the Wauby, Samson and Poquiantup families. Indeed, 
before his death in 1792, he was surrounded with a people 
whom he could call his own in a special sense, and they 
included the most intelligent and religious portion of the tribe. 
It was well that this was so, for in Occom's last days he had a 
battle to fight in behalf of the landed rights of his. people, and 
in this his kindred gave him faithful support. 

The Oneidas' grant of 1774 had conveyed a large and valua- 
ble tract of land west of the " Line of Property," and extending 
along it about thirteen miles north and south. These lands 
were given to the New England Indians and their posterity 
"without power of alienation," and they could "not be pos- 
sessed by any persons deemed of the said tribes who are 
descended from or have intermixed with negroes or molat- 
toes." Occom and his friends considered this as a deed of 
gift by which they had full title to the said lands. Scarcely 
had they located there, however, when the Oneidas, at the 
instigation, it was said, of the whites, set up the claim that the 
New England Indians had not fulfilled the conditions of the 


grant and it was void. This was in 1785. We cannot imagine 
what those conditions were unless the lands were to be occu- 
pied at once, which had certainly been bravely attempted. 
Meanwhile, of course, circumstances had changed, and the 
Oneidas undoubtedly wanted to reclaim the tract. Early in 
1786 a council was held, and they proposed to give the 
Brothertown Indians, in lieu of their claim, 640 acres, whereon 
those who had already emigrated could live.^ This was 
promptly declined. On the sixteenth of October, at another 
council, an account of which is given in Occom's diary, the 
Oneidas repeated their offer, and wanted them to "live at 
large " on their lands. Again on the twenty-third they urged 
their case and threatened to take back all the lands if the 
Brothertown Indians did not accept their offer. Occom was 
unmoved, and the intelligent majority supported him. A few, 
however, were ready to yield. This was the beginning of the 
factional disputes which so embittered Occom's last days. So 
matters stood until the 2 2d of September, 1788, when the 
Oneidas, by a treaty made at Fort Schuyler, ceded all their 
lands to the state of New York, excepting their own reserva- 
tion, and one for the Brothertown and another for the Stock- 
bridge Indians.^ This reduced their extensive tract to one 
'' two miles in breadth and three miles in length." The Onei- 
das agreed to this in the negotiations ; but the state of New 
York would not thus disregard the conveyance of 1774, which 
Occom had recorded in the office of the Secretary of State in 
Connecticut, and upon which he planted his feet to stand for 
their rights. So the General Assembly of New York, having 
a desire to do justice to the New England Indians, in "An 
Act for the Sale and Disposition of Lands " passed Feb- 
ruary 25, 1789, provided that the Surveyor General should 

^ N. Y. Arch., Letts, on Indian Affairs, James Dean to Gov. Clinton, June 7, 17S6/ 
^ MS. Rec. Supt. Brothertown Indians; Proceedings of the Com. af Ind. Affairs 
Hough, I, 122, 230, 241-243. 


lay out for them "all that part of the" tract of land, formerly 
given to them by the Oneida Indians, which is included in 
the cession lately made by the Oneida Indians to the people 
of this State," and south of the lands which by the same act 
were confirmed to Samuel Kirkland and his sons.^ This 
tract was six times larger than the reservation in the treaty, 
and when it was finally surveyed, in 1795, was found to 
contain 24,052 acres. Thus Occom's wisdom and courage 
were rewarded. Doubtless also this result was partly due 
to Governor George Clinton, who was very friendly toward 
Occom's purposes, and did all he could to further them, even 
after this Indian was in his unmarked grave. 

The act of 1789 had also provided that this tract should be 
called Brothertown, and should remain for "the cultivation, 
improvement and use " of the New England Indians, " but 
wdthout any power of alienation or right of leasing the same 
lands or any part thereof, for any longer term than ten years 
and without any power of granting such leases where there 
shall be any subsisting lease including the same lands." Here 
was another source of trouble. Occom had not been able to 
prevent New England Indians of the baser sort from attaching 
themselves to the Brothertown tribe. Some came who be- 
longed to other tribes than those to whom the land had been 
given. These built their huts on the tract, claiming equal 
rights with the founders. They did not recognize the tribal 
authority, and as yet the state had not constituted any town 
government. Since the voluntary organization of 1785 the 
tribe had not met to choose officers.^ The original five 
trustees still acted — Roger Wauby, David Fowler, Elijah 
Wampy, John Tuhie and Abraham Simons. However, on 
the loth of October, 1790, a town-meeting was held, Occom 
being present. After an unsuccessful attempt to choose new 

iLmuso/N. v., Reprint, III, 70. 

^ Confi. Hist. Soc, /ndian Papers, Lett. Occom to Ezra L'Hommedieu. 


trustees, it was decided that the old board should continue 
until the March following, and should consult and act for the 
good of the town meanwhile. They met in November, but 
Elijah Wampy was found to be opposed to the plans of the 
others, who were Occom's particular friends. Wampy drew 
up a petition, which was signed largely by the interlopers, 
and this was sent to the General Assembly, a Martha's Vine- 
yard Indian named Puichaker being their messenger. The 
act of 1789 was understood to allow leasing for a period of 
ten years, and the Wampy party began at once to make such 
leases to the whites who were coming in as settlers.^ New 
farms were then taken up by these Indians, which also in 
some cases were leased to the whites. This was extremely 
demoralizing. It put a premium on fraud, and was disloyal to 
the purposes of the town. Had it not been for the mercifully 
slow progress of white immigration, the greater part of the 
tract would have been leased out. Occom was distressed, but 
not utterly discouraged. He also wrote a petition which he 
carried to the General Assembly by the authority of the other 
trustees. There he was known to many and had influence. 
His " perigrinations " were in evidence. The result was the 
passage of "An Act for the relief of the Indians residing in 
Brothcrtown and New Stockbridge," dated February 21, 1791.'' 
In this bill the ideas of Occom as to Indian town government 
were to some extent embodied. It provided for an annual 
town-meeting, the first Tuesday in April, at which all male 
Indians twenty-one years of age should choose a clerk to 
preside and keep the records, a marshal and three trustees, 
the latter "by and with the consent of the Mayor of the City 
of Albany for the time being." These trustees were given 

c Some of these leases are extant. We have one from James Toxcoit to Abraliam 
Oaks, and have seen several others. 

"' Laws of N. K, Reprint, 111, 212. The Assembly by a resolution, February 24, 
1 79 1, advanced £15 for the payment of Occom's expenses in appearing in behalf of 
the Brothertown and New Stockbridge Indians. 


power to lay out lots as they should think necessary to the 
Indian families ; to lease a tract not exceeding 640 acres, the 
rents thereof to be applied for maintaining a minister and free 
school; to bring actions for trespass against any whites; and 
to adjudicate cases of trespass or debt among the Indians 
themselves, and lev^y for the judgment in a sum not to exceed 
twenty shillings. 

Meanwhile the leasing of home lots had been going on, and 
before Occom's return about 2,000 acres had been taken by 
the whites. A fine grove of pine and a cedar swamp, particu- 
larly valuable to the Indians and designed for town use, had 
been disposed of. Occom was not wholly opposed to ten-year 
leases; but as their lands had never been surveyed he thought 
such action was premature and should always have the con- 
sent of the town authorities. When the time appointed in 
the above act for organizing the town government came, they 
were so demoralized that they could not elect trustees as pro- 
vided. Here was a new difficulty. The time having passed 
they thought nothing could be done. Again Occom appealed 
to the General Assembly, and that body, April 12, 1792, re- 
enacted the former measure, appointing the first Tuesday in 
May following for town organization, and authorized the 
forcible ejectment of the whites.^ In this act the trustees were 
called peacemakers, and the title was certainly appropriate. 
Neither measure, however, had distinctly invalidated the ten- 
year leases. The whites crowded in and urged on the VVampy 
party in opposition. Occom became unpopular with the 
white settlers. The Oneidas had not forgiven him for main- 
taining his rights against them so successfully. He had also 
incurred the displeasure of John Sergeant and his friends 
among the Stockbridge Indians. He was surrounded by 
enemies. Only those who had entered into his long-cherished 
plans, the intelligent, substantial and more religious Indians 

^Laws of N. v., Reprint, III, 379. 


of Brothertown, who saw that he w^as fighting in their behalf, 
and David Fowler foremost among them, adhered to his 
leadership. His experiment in Indian town gpvernment had 
not been so far a signal success. Now in his sixty-ninth year 
— an old man before his time, who like a hemlock had endured 
many storms and outlived its usefulness — his courage may 
have failed him. A greater Moses than he had become dis- 
couraged at the rebellious hearts of his people. So in the 
winter of 1791, hoping to find some peace among the Stock- 
bridge branch of his flock, he removed over the hill westward 
to Tuscarora. His work was done, and there he died on the 
fourteenth of July, 1792. 

Let us follow to its conclusion this land war of the Brother- 
town Indians, before we consider the circumstances of Occom's 
death and burial. The excitement was somewhat allayed by 
the loss of their leader, but the leasing went on. In the 
course of two years the Indians came to see that Occom was 
right. Even Elijah Wampy seems to have repented of his 
action. Three peacemakers were chosen — David Fowler, 
John Tuhie and John Paul — and these set about considering 
what could be done. The whites, too, were troubled, having 
only ten-year leases and some uncertainty as to them. They 
appointed a committee consisting of Asa Hamlin, James 
Cowing, Jr., Ithmar Coe, Simon Hubbard and Solomon Kel- 
logg, who petitioned for legislative action February 14, 1794.^ 
In their statement of the case they said that two hundred farms 
had been located on the tract, and one hundred and fifty fam- 
ilies were settled on them. A sawmill and grist-mill had also 
been erected. But from insecurity of title they could make no 
improvements, and had no church or schools. On the seventh 
of October the Indian peacemakers addressed a complaint to 
Governor Clinton against Bender Webber, Charles Wilbor, 
Isaac Curtis, Nathaniel Lowring and Samuel Lewis, stating 

"^N. Y. Arch., Assembly Papers^ hid. ^Z"., 1783-1810, 95, 97. 



that they were trespassers on their lands. This petition was 
signed by the peacemakers, and Samuel Adams, Roger Wobby, 
David Fowler, Jun., Jeremiah Tuhie, Samuel Scipio, Samuel 
Brusheill, Elijih Wimpey, John Skeesuck, Christopher Skee- 
suck, and Elijah Wimpey, Jun. 1° A letter which accompanied 
the petition recited their grievances, and had, in addition to 
the above names, the following signatures : Obadiah Scippio, 
George Paul, Joseph VVoby, Isaac Wobby, Oliver Peter, Solo- 
mon Cochegan, George Crosley, James Waucus, Ephraim Pha- 
raoh, Frederick Peters, Nhamon Wobby, Henry Davies, Amos 
Hutton, and Thomas Pechorker. These were the principal 
men of Brothertown. Governor Clinton took immediate ac- 
tion, and ordered Colonel William Colbrath, the sheriff of 
Herkimer count}^, to eject the trespassers, which had been au- 
thorized by the act of 1792.^^ Esquires Hugh White and 
Moses Foot, who were among the principal men in the county, 
interceded for them. The result was, that the ejectment was 
delayed and the General Assembly took the whole matter into 
consideration.^^ The decision was .favorable to the Indians. 
It was a conspicuous example of justice, the most so of any 
we have met with in the history of Indian land claims, — a 
lasting honor to the state of New York. The verdict was em- 
bodied in " An Act relative to Lands in Brothertown," passed 
March 31, 1795.^'^ This constituted Samuel Jones, Ezra 
L'Hommedieu and Zina Hitchcock commissioners to exam- 
ine into and settle all matters relating to Brothertown lands. 
They were authorized to set off a tract of not less than six 
thousand nor more than ten thousand acres for the use of 
the Indians, dividing the same into lots, and apportioning 
them to the several families, notwithstanding any leases 
to whites resident thereon. The remainder of the lands 

10 A^. Y. Arch., Letts. 07i Indian Affairs, 1 785-1825, 2. 
" A^. Y. Arch., Assembly Papers, Ind. Aff., 1783-1810, 263. 
"^"^ Ibid., pp. 245, 251, 263, 265, 269. 
^^Laws of N. Y, Reprint, III, 585. 



were to be sold to the lessees, the mean price being not 
less than sixteen shillings per acre, allowing for improve- 
ments, if they were removed. They were authorized to 
take mortgages in payment. These commissioners performed 
their duties in the summer of 1795, making a census of 
the Indians by families, giving the age of each, and as- 
signing lots. A survey was made by Garret Cluett.^'' Of 
the 24.052 acres in the tract, 9,390 were set off in 149 lots to 
the Indians, and the balance sold to the white lessees. They 
received in cash iTgy, 2s, and in mortgages at six per cent., 
payable on demand after the first Tuesday of July, 1805, 
;^i5,2i7, 4s. The state afterwards took the mortgages, and 
the whole amount was invested as the Brothertown fund. 

One difficulty was encountered by the commissioners. They 
found it hard to decide as to the Indians who were entitled to 
land, and recommended in their report, February 18, 1796, 
the passage of an act relating to the matter. This was done 
on the fourth of March follovving.^^ Thus ended the contest 
of the New England Indians for their rights in the land given 
to them more than twenty years before. 

Samson Occom died in the battle ; but the victory was his. 
For years the income of this fund was expended by their su- 
perintendents for the benefit of his people. It provided many 
industrial advantages, secured to them the privileges of educa- 
tion, ministered to their necessities, and its benefits followed 
them in their second emigration, and are traceable to this day. 
Thus he who had led them forth into their promised land, to 
whom more than any other the maintenance of their claim was 
due, blessed his people after he had departed from them. 

The last days of Samson Occom's life, as we have stated, 
were passed at Tuscarora. He had located a home lot at 

"^^Map and Field Book, Surveyor General's Office, Albany; Rec. Sufi. Brother 
town Indians. 

^^Laws of N. F., Reprint, III, 655. 


Brothertown several years before he removed his family 
thither from Mohegan. His parishioners, he notes in his 
diary, came in August, 1787, to clear some land for him. 
This lot was undoubtedly No. 10 in the survey of 1795, which 
was then assigned by the superintendents to Anthony Paul in 
accordance with their plan of retaining the locations of early 
settlers in their families. Occom built there a log house, suf- 
ficient for the humble needs of his family. Most of his chil- 
dren had grown up. Benoni, Theodosia and Lemuel may 
have come with him to Brothertown in 1789. Andrew Gifford, 
a youth of fifteen years, and Sally, his youngest, certainly did, 
the latter dying before her father. It will be remembered that 
the center of the town in 1785 was located at David Fowler's 
place on the hill, lot 105. This was the actual center in very 
early days — the location of 1775. Roger Wauby was three 
miles west of this — outside the bounds of the later town.^^ 
Elijah Wampy was half a mile to the northwest ; Abraham 
Simons a mile to the northeast ; John Tuhie east at the foot 
of the hill and next south of Occom. The younger men after- 
wards took up lots in the valley, Elijah Wampy, Jr., and David 
Fowler, Jr., being located on lots 15 and 16, where the village 
of Deansville now has its center. Therefore, as David Fowler's 
place was the early location where they first worshiped, be- 
ing the eastern section of Occom's Stockbridge and Brother- 
town parish, it was supposed, before the place was visited b) 
the writer, that there they established a burial-place in accord- 
ance with their tribal notions, as well as the custom they knew 
so well in New England. Death went with them into the wil- 
derness. On the nineteenth of October, 1786, their council 
at Oneida was interrupted by news of the death of " Old Uncle 
Cornelius " [Hannable ?] , the oldest man in the town. The next 
day, toward night, they assembled at the house of mourning, 
where Occom says, " I delivered a short discourse . . . and 

^'^ N. Y. Arch., Assembly Papers, Ind. Aff., 1 783-1 S 10, 105. 


from thence [we] went to the grove, and we finished bury- 
ing after sunset." During his absence the following winter 
there were several deaths — Jacob Fowler being one. When 
Abraham Simons died they also buried him in " the grove." 
Evidently they had then a tribal burial-place, presumably near 
the center. Occom's young daughter died. She would have been 
buried there. While he was away on his mission to the Gen- 
eral Assembly in the spring of 1791, one of his grandchildren 
died, probably one of the Paul family. Samuel Kirkland 
makes this entry in his diary under March 15, 1791 : "I have 
now returned from Brothertown, where I have attended the 
funeral of a grand child of Mr. Occom — the whole village as- 
sembled on the occasion — it has been a very solemn & affect- 
ing meeting — discoursed from Mark 10:27." Already then, 
before Occom's death, even if the tribe had no common burial- 
place, the large circle of his kindred, numbering not less than 
thirty in 1792, so loyal to his ministry and leadership, would 
have claimed a sacred acre from the forest for their dead. 

The house which David Fowler built in 1775 — ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ 
that wilderness — has long since been torn down by the fingers 
of time. Some of the timbers of his hallowed barn remain in 
a later structure. The farm is now owned by Mr. Andrew H. 
Wier, who bought it of Mr. Alonzo G. Miller. The white man 
draws water from the well the Indian pioneer dug. On this 
place, only a quarter of a mile southward from the house, in 
the edge of the wood, which was a ''grove" a hundred years 
ago, there is an Indian burial-ground. The woodsman's sled 
has broken off the tops of some rude headstones. Brother- 
town Indians are still living who remember when the tribe 
made their burials in that spot, and they say this continued 
down to about 1812.^' Its distance from the more populous 

^" There were four other Indian bmial-places in Brothertown later. One was at 
the foot of the hill where the present cemetery is ; another was near the center of 
Deansville, north of the highway and between the railroad and the river, called the 


district in the valley eastward, finally led to its abandgnment. 
This digression will prepare us to appreciate the conditions in 
1792, and locate the burial-place of the Brothertown minister. 

The exact date of Occom's removal from his old home to 
Tuscarora is not known. A young Stockbridge Indian, John 
Quinney, who was at Orange Dale Academy, wrote him, 
January 26, 1792, that one Samuel Littleman had arrived 
there on the twenty-first, and had informed him that his min- 
ister "was about to move with his family to our" village, 
which he had long wished for."^^ This letter was addressed 
to Occom at Muhheconnuck. He removed, therefore, about 
the middle of January, and into a house about a mile from 
Tuscarora village, probably owned by some of his friends. 
Perhaps he did not intend to remain there permanently. A 
little land would have been sufficient for his purposes, for he 
had returned to his old trade of manufacturing woodenware. 

There are two accounts of Occom's death. One is given us 
in Prime's History of Long Island, and in Sprague's Annals. 
It professes to have been "prepared from the recital of his 
wife." We quote it in full : 

For some time he had a presentiment that his death was near. As he 
accustomed himself, in his earlier life, to the manufacture of pails and 
cooper-ware, he still devoted what strength he had, when leisure permitted, 
to the same employment. One day he observed to his wife, that he must 
finish a churn soon, that he had commenced, or he might not live to do it. 
He went out to his work, a little distance from the house, finished the 
churn and started to return. His wife observed him crossing a run of 

" Dugway " burial-place ; the third 'was n^^ar John Tuhie's place and the fourth on the 
the farm of Asa Dick. There may have been others. Our interviews with aged In- 
dians— Elias Dick, James Simons, J. C. Fowler, Rebecca Johnson, and Hannah 
Commuck — leave no doubt as to the fact that all the early burials were on the hill. 
They name a number whose deaths occurred in their youth, and variously estimate 
the graves there from seventj'-five to one hundred. Here, doubtless, Jacob Fowler 
was buried, and all who died in Occom's time. David Fowler and Hannah Garret 
were among the last. 

^® Conn. Hist. Soc, Indiati Papers. 


water near the house upon a pole; lookhig towards him again, a few min- 
utes after, she saw that he had fallen and going to him she found him dead.^^ 

The Other account was printed in the Connecticut Gazette 
of New London, August 2, 1792, and was doubtless sent by 
messenger to Occom's kindred at Mohegan. It is as follows : 

Died at New Stockbridge, in the vicinit}^ of Oneida, in the 69th year of 
his age, the Rev. Samson Occom, in a very sudden and unexpected manner. 
About a week before he died he complained to his wife of a very uncom- 
mon and distressing pain in his vitals, which occasioned a faintness, but it 
was soon over, A few hours before his death the same disorder came on 
again, but as before soon left him — after which he eat as hearty a dinner as 
usual, told his wife he would ride to one of his neighbors and get him to 
accompany him to a cedar swamp in search of some timber he was want- 
ing. His wife in vain remonstrated against it; he went, and just before 
they came to the swamp he told the man he must rest, asked for water, 
desired the man to call for help, which he did, he then took off his coat and 
as the man returned, he said, I have done — and appeared inclined to sleep — 
asked his friend to ease him down, which done, he folded his hands across 
his breast and expired in a few minutes. On Sunday the 15th inst. his 
remains were decently interred — pij-evious to which the Rev. Mr. Kirkland 
preached his funeral sermon from Matt, xxiv : 44. Upwards of 300 
Indians, from different tribes, attended. Mr. Occom was of the Mohegan 
tribe of Indians and removed with a number of that tribe a few years since 
to Oneida.2o 

The latter being a contemporary account, and more natural 
in its circumstances, is very likely the true one. Neither of 
them, however, states the place of burial. Rev. John Sergeant 
was absent from New Stockbridge at the time, or his diary 
might inform us on this point. But the manuscript journal 
of Samuel Kirkland gives the following account of the event, 
under date of July i6th: 

Last Saturday evening, about 10 o'clock, a n>essenger came to me with 
the news of Mr. Occum's death at Tuscarora, This was very sudden and 
unexpected. I was requested to preach his funeral sermon on Lord's day 
at 3 o'clock P. AL I agreed to be there seasonably, after attending divine 

I'J Prime's Hist, of Long Island^ p. 112 ; Sprague's Annals, III, 194. 
2° Conn. Hist. Soc, Conn. Gaz., Aug. 2, 1792. Cf. Conn. Coiirant and Am. Mer- 
cury, July 30, 1792. 


service in the morning early at Kanonwalohale. The Indians were so 
alarmed at the sudden death of Mr. Occum that they began to collect at 
Tuscarora from the various settlements very early in the morning. By a 
mistake of the messenger they were led to conceive that the first meeting 
would be held there instead of at Kanonwalohale; as many of the Indians 
came the distance of ten miles. After an exhortation and prayer at the 
house of the deceased, we moved about a mile to a bower near the center 
of the town, for the sake of convenience, there being no house sufficiently 
large to contain one half of the Indians who were assembled on the occa- 
sion. I discoursed from Math. 24. 44 in both the Indian and English lan- 
guages, that all might understand me on that solemn occasion. The Indians 
appeared to be struck with unusual awe and reverence of Him who is the 
Lord of life and death. In the evening attended a conference with a small 
number till near midnight. 

Several later references are made in Kirkland's journals to 
Occom's death, which indicate that a profound impression 
was left among the Indians. During the following week, he 
had "various conferences with Indians of different tribes and 
parties, principally on the subject of Mr. Cecum's death as an 
alarming and instructive providence." On the following Sab- 
bath, he preached at Kanonwalohale sermons from Psalm 
90: 12, and Phil, i: 21-24, appropriate to the event. The 
assembly "seemed to melt into tenderness with many sighs 
and tears." At the request of the Stockbridge Indians, in 
the absence of Mr. Sergeant^ he preached at Tuscarora a 
week later. He says there was a large gathering of Brother- 
town, Oriske, Stockbridge, Oneida and Tuscarora Indians. 
" Many came with a view and in expectation of hearing not 
only a general, but a particular and minute character given 
of Mr. Occum. The divisions, however, among the Indians 
were such that I thought it not prudent to attempt it and in- 
deed was advised to omit it. Discoursed from Job 2i:^\ 12, 13." 

As to Samson Occom's burial, there seems to be but one 
interpretation to be put upon Kirkland's account. If the 
burial had been at Tuscarora, they would have borne the 
body, after the service, to the grave, and he would have 
included a mention of it. They moved to the bower only to 


find a convenient auditorium. Evidently the body was not 
then to be buried. Many were there who had reason to mourn 
the death of this renowned Indian — the minister, his friend, 
of whose mission he had been an inspiration in youth, the 
On.eidas, to whom he had carried the gospel thirty years 
before, the pupils who had been taught in his wigwam at 
Montauk, the subjects of his fervid ministry in the Indian 
settlements of New England, and, above all, his own beloved 
and misguided people; but his own kindred were there — a 
goodly company of them, and the burial was their service. A 
Mohegan was never willingly allowed to rest away from his 
own — from their homes and their graves ! So it must have 
been that they returned to the house of mourning from the 
place where they had found a cathedral under the arches of 
the woodland. As the summer's sun was declining in the 
west, at their customary hour, the body of this Indian Moses 
w^as lifted, not by angels, but by the strong arms of his faith- 
ful friends, the purest blood of the New England aborigines, 
and borne up the hill, by the way they had often gone, and 
laid beside his own dust — a king like those of the Scriptures 
to rest in the inheritance of David ! 

The unmarked grave was thus in the keeping of Samson 
Occom's brother beloved and loyal friend, David Fowler. 
Time has dealt ruthlessly with that consecrated acre. Doubt- 
less the last fifty years would have swept away all traces of 
its existence had it not- been that the descendants of David 
Fowler and Hannah Garrett, before they joined the w^estward 
pilgrimage of the race, long after their deaths, raised a white 
marble slab to their memory, whereon the wanderer in that 
woodland may read : 

David Fowler 

died March 31, 1807. Aet 

72 years 

Hannah wife of 

David Fowler died 

Aug. 181 1. Aet. 64 years 



The town government, which the Brothertown Indians had 
known in New England, afforded an opportunity for individual 
independence which was very pleasing to the Indian nature. 
Those who had come to Oneida had been emancipated from 
the sachem's tyrannical authority. Quite naturally, they went 
to the extreme of individualism, and from this arose many of 
their early troubles. In time, however, they settled down, 
and their town went on as well as is generally the case in new 

Some of these Indians from Farmington, as they were about 
to remove, petitioned the General Assembly for a copy of the 
statutes of Connecticut, on the ground that they were expected 
to observe laws of which they were ignorant.^ Their request 
was granted, and doubtless this was the volume which they 
carried into the wilderness and used as the basis of town 
regulations. We know that their intent was to establish the 
ancient Connecticut town. At their first meeting, even in 
1785, they chose "fence-viewers" when there was not a pair 
of bars for many miles around. Their early purpose, however, 
was modified on account of their troubles by the authorities of 
the state of New York. The act passed by the General As- 
sembly, March 4, 1796, set off their one hundred and forty- 
nine lots from the town of Paris, and provided finally for 
Indian town government. It authorized the appointment, by 

* Con?t. Arch., Indians, II, 195. 


the governor and council, of three commissioners, known as 
the superintendents of the Brothertown Indians, who were to 
determine what persons were entitled to rights, permanently 
assign lots, divide the land of deceased Indians among their 
heirs, advise as to the expenditure of the income of the in- 
vested funds, maintain a school among them, prevent the 
illegal sale of spirituous liquors, and exercise a general super- 
vision over their affairs. The appointment of an attorney was 
also authorized to defend their rights in the courts. Accord- 
ingly, the following were chosen superintendents, March 26, 
1796: William Floyd, Thomas Eddy and Edmund Prior, and 
Joseph Kirkland became their attorney." William Floyd vis- 
ited them in June, 1796, to examine into their condition and 
needs. The record-book, which contains the legislation relat- 
ing to the Brothertown Indians and the subsequent proceed- 
ings of the superintendents, is still preserved by the tribe at 
Brothertown, Wisconsin. 

So much of their government, therefore, was taken from the 
Indians, but in its main features the town was ordered by the 
voters therein. The above act authorized the appointment by 
the governor and council of five Indians as " Keepers of the 
Peace," or "Peacemakers," who should hold office during the 
pleasure of the council. They, or any three of them, were 
empowered to hold a court at Brothertown on the first Mon- 
day of each month, and hear and determine all disputes or 
controversies concerning debts and trespasses, where the sum 
due or damages sustained did not exceed five pounds. All 
violations of the town by-laws were to be tried in this peace- 
makers' court, and a proper fine imposed, to be collected by 

- The following also served as superintendents during the town's existence: Henry 
McNiel, Thomas Hart, Bill Smith, George Brayton, John Murray, Jr., Ashahel Cur- 
tis, Uri Doolittle, Joseph Stebbins, William Root, Nathan Davis, Elijah Wilson, 
Austin Wygatt, Samuel L. Hubbard and Samuel Comstock, William Hotchkiss was 
their attorney about i8r2. An act of May 25, 1841 abolished this office, and reduced 
the superintendents to one. ' 


due process, failing which, upon complaint of the peacemakers, 
the attorney could imprison for thirty days. They were also 
constituted commissioners of highways, which were to be four 
rods wide, with power to lay out, alter or direct the repair of 
the same. An annual town-meeting was to be held the first 
Tuesday in April, at which the senior peacemaker should 
preside, and in which all males twenty-one years of age and 
upwards should be voters. They were to elect a town clerk, 
two overseers of the poor, two marshals, and so. many over- 
seers of highways as should be thought necessary. On their 
own authority they also elected fence-viewers, a pound-keeper 
and tithing-men, whose duty it was to give notice to all evil- 
doers in the form of a complaint. Moreover, in this town- 
meeting they w^ere to enact such rules, regulations and by-laws 
as shouid be deemed expedient in ordering their affairs. In 
the exercise of this latter privilege we shall see best the char- 
acter of Indian legislation. 

The senior peacemaker appointed under this act was David 
Fowler, who served until his death in 1807. Two of his asso- 
ciates also held office until they died — John Tuhie in 181 1 
and John Skeesuck in 1807. The others were Isaac Wauby, 
afterwards known as " Elder Wauby," and Samuel Scipio. 
On the fifteenth of May, 1796, the first regular town-meeting 
was held in the schoolhouse, though the date thereafter was 
the first Tuesday in April, as provided. Officers were then 
chosen, and David Fowler, Jr., the babe born in Samuel Kirk- 
land's hut in 1767, was elected town clerk, an office which he 
held until 1802. The "Town Records of Brothertown," which 
he and his successors kept with commendable care until there 
were not enough Indians remaining in the town to fill the 
offices, are an interesting memorial of Indian civilization alto- 
gether unique in American history. 

The laws which were made from time to time in this Indian 
town-meeting had largely the character of ordinances. They 


related to fences, highways, damage by dogs, stray cattle and 
the like matters. The duties of town officers also were defined. 
It was ordered that any one elected to an office and declining to 
serve, without reasonable excuse, should pay a fine of two and 
a half dollars, while those who neglected their duties were to 
pay twice that sum. As to women, the widows were to work 
on the roads, or at any other public business, half as much as 
the men. It was further declared, "That it shall not be lawful 
by the authority of Broth ertown that any woman shall be per- 
mitted to speak that has causes depending in the Brothertown 
courts without asking some particular question or she shall 
apply to some suitable man to speak in her behalf." They 
made stringent laws against immorality, profanity, drunken- 
ness, theft, extortion, idleness, neglect of children, and mar- 
riages with persons of negro blood. A person who should 
display signs of intoxication at town-meeting was punished as 
a great offender. In many cases the penalty was a confine- 
ment in the stocks, though we do not know that they employed 
this mode of punishment. Dancing or frolicking on Saturday 
or Sunday nights was forbidden. It was unlawful to harbor 
or conceal a fugitive slave, servant or apprentice. The follow- 
ing are samples of the laws by which they sought to secure 
the order and decorum of Puritan New England in their 
Indian community. 

There shall be no travelling, servile labouring or working (works of neces- 
sity and charity excepted) shooting, fishing, sporting, playing, horseracing, 
hunting or any unlawful exercise or pastime, by any Person or Persons on 
the first day of the week commonly called Sunday 

If any person shall permit any playing with Cards or dice in his house, or 
bet win or lose any sum of money at such play and shall be' thereof con- 
victed, [he] shall forfeit and pay a sum not to exceed five Dollars or under 
fifty cents for every such offence, one half to the complainant and the other 
half- to the People of Brothertown. 

If any of said inhabitants shall Divulge any Report about any of said 
inhabitants either Male or Female, and shall not have sufficient proof to 
support what he, she or they hath Divulged and reported, then the Divulger 


or Divulgers shall pay a fine of ten shillings for every Breach of this bye-law 
if found so convicted. 

If anyof the inhabitants shall abuse any one of the aforesaid inhabitants 
in their Houses or at any other place either by foul language or assault, he 
or they shall be immediately summoned to be and appear before the Peace- 
makers of said town, then and there to be adjudged before them as the 
Case may be in their judgment to decide the matter, to be deemed just and 

Some of these laws were in substance those of New Eng- 
land at the time. As there was great laxity among the whites 
of the new settlements round about them in many things which 
the Indians endeavored to prohibit, it was not strange that some 
of these were a dead letter. But they made honest and earn- 
est efforts to enforce most of them, and in some measure they 
succeeded. The peacemaker's court held their first session 
the first Monday in September, 1797, and thereafter at inter- 
vals for forty years. Their extant records show that every 
manner of complaint was tried before them. They fined 
offenders with vigor. There is, indeed, no reason to think 
that the town was not well-governed. More and more, as the 
years went by, they became accustomed to their town govern- 
ment and the supervision of the superintendents was less and 
less needed. This does not mean, of course, that Brother- 
town was free from the common vices of Indians, but it was as 
much so as other frontier settlements of whites. There was 
some drunkenness and the consequent ills. Notable cases 
which made a great impression were the murder of Eunice 
Peters by her husband, George Peters, at Rome, February 24, 
1800, and the killing of Joseph Tuhie by John Tuhie, 2d, 
May I, 1817.3 

One object of the emigration had been to make of these 
Indians an agricultural people. How did they succeed in this 
respect? The assignment of 1795 located most of the fami- 
lies on their original claims. These they had cleared to a 

3 Jones' Amials of Oneida County^ pp. 43, 44, 96, 


ccy;isiderable extent. Barns had been built. They had in a 
short time stock of all kinds and enclosed fields. On the 
twenty-sixth of September, 1799, Brothertown was visited by 
Timothy Dwight. He had a strong inclination to see civilized 
Indian life, and had been told that it might probably be seen 
at Brothertown. He gives us the following account of their 
condition : 

The settlement is formed on the declivity of a hill, running from north to 
south. The land is excellent, and the s|)ot in every respect well chosen. 
Here forty families of these people have fixed themselves in the business of 
agriculture. They have cleared the ground on both sides of the road about 
a quarter of a mile in breadth and about four miles in length. Three of 
them have framed houses. One, named Amos Hutton, has a good house 
well finished, and a large barn well built. Several others have barns also. 
The remaining houses are of logs, and differ little from those of the whites 
when formed of the same material. Their husbandry is generally much 
inferior to that of the white people. Their fences are indifferent, and their 
meadows and arable grounds are imperfectly cleared. Indeed almost every- 
where is visible that slack hand, that disposition to leave everything unfin- 
i?,hed, which peculiarly characterizes such Indians as have Lft the savage 
life. I have observed that the house and barn of Amos Hutton were both 
well built. We had an opportunity to see the interior of the house, and 
by the neatness which everywhere appeared, both in the building and furni- 
ture, were assured that his wife was an industrious and thorough housewife. 
Mr. Kirkland informed me that this man lives well, that he keeps always 
one and sometimes two yoke of good oxen, two or three horses, and three 
or four cows ; that he is an exact paymaster; and that although no debt 
against an Indian is recoverable by law, he is readily trusted for anything 
which he is willing to buy. He is probably the fairest example of industry, 
economy, and punctuality, which these people can boast. Most of them 
will leave their own business to labour for the white inhabitants. They are 
universally civil in their deportment. The men and boys took off their hats, 
and the girls courtesied, as we passed, by them. They speak decent English, 
and much excel the ordinary Dutch people in the correctness of their pro- 
nunciation. One of them tends a saw mill, built by the state for this settle- 

President Dwight evidently did not traverse the entire town 
or he would have seen, especially on the hill westward, many 

4 Dwight's Travels, Lond., 1823, III, 168 ff. 


cleared and well-tilled acres. The road to which he refers 
was that now running north and south through the village of 
Deansville, named by the Indians Federal Street. Amos 
Hutton lived on lot No. 5, toward the northern limit. There 
were certainly others as skilled in farming as he, and notably 
David Fowler. Dwight's census of families is too small, 
for in 1795 lots were assigned to thirty-nine families and in 
1799 there were about sixty. More joined them about 1800. 
In 1813 they numbered 302. In 18 19 there were said to be 
sixty families and twenty-two widows whose lots were leased 
to whites for their benefit. The condition of their fields 
should be judged in view of the fact that this was a new set- 
tlement. Many had not been accustomed to agriculture, and 
they had not been able to accomplish all they would for lack 
of means. With praiseworthy zeal they had undertaken what 
was for the Indian a great work. The first request made of 
their superintendents in 1796 was for "four pair of oxen, 
twelve cows, one hundred and twenty bushels of corn, three 
barrels of pork, six ploughs, six chains, three sets of harrow 
teeth, three sets of cart irons and one hundred sheep." ^ In 
1805 the town voted to give a premium on the raising of grain, 
and to encourage those who would build houses and barns. 
It was determined in 18 18 that one who cleared thirty acres 
out of fifty was to have twenty-five more for farming purposes. 
Examinations into their progress were made from 'time to time 
by the state of New York. From these it appears that in 18 13 
they had 2,000 acres of land cleared and under cultivation, 
and they were " considerably advanced in agricultural know- 
ledge." They then had ninety cows, thirty horses, sixteen 
yoke of oxen, ninety-three young cattle, eighty-eight sheep and 
a great number of swine. They had a grist-mill, two saw- 
mills, sixteen framed houses, eighteen framed barns, twenty- 
one ploughs, seventeen sleds, three carts and three wagons. 

° Siipt. Rec, Lett. Floyd to Eddy, June 19, 1796. 


Four of their number were carpenters, two blacksmiths, four 
shoemakers, two tailors and five weavers. During the preced- 
ing year they had manufactured 320 yards of woolen and 600 
yards of linen cloth, and they had produced 11,300 bushels of 
grain of various kinds and raised 3,400 bushels of potatoes. 
The report of 1825 shows that during the year they had manu- 
factured 1,495 yards of woolen, 890 yards of linen, 302 yards 
of wool and cotton and 188 yards of cotton and linen cloth, 
which was 700 yards more than they had made the year before. 
This thrift in weaving had been brought about by premiums 
paid from their annuity on domestic manufactures.^ Industry 
and sobriety were also rewarded by payments in nails, glass, 
and other articles used in their improvements. At that time 
it was said that "the greater part of them are men whose 
lives and characters would disgrace no community being tem- 
perate and industrious." They were living in good and con- 
venient houses which were kept clean and neat. Their farms 
were well fenced, they had good roads and their crops were 
larger than they needed to use. Dwight saw them at an early 
day and compared them with the white settlers round about — 
the best blood of New England. He recites some interest- 
ing facts as to certain ones among them, whose skin had 
begun to change to whiteness, notably Samuel Adams who 
"is almost become a white man." We should think that the 
signs indicated leprosy were it not that he distinctly denies 
this. Perhaps his witness exaggerated somewhat. This was 
certainly a symptom of the white man's civilization which the 
Indians had not looked for. 

The chief public improvement which interested them in 
early years was the town roads. They began at once to 
widen the Indian trails which crossed their tract. One of 
these led eastward through the town of Paris, or over " Han- 
over Hill " as the Indians termed it. That which was most 

"^iV. Y. Arch., Assembly Papers, Ind. Aff., Vol. 41, p. 93. 


used, and doubtless older, was one from Utica through the 
present village of Clinton. It entered their tract by two ways, 
one going west from the ford of the Oriskany, between lots 4 
and 5, and there uniting with the other which ran through lot 
I from the northeast corner. From the point where these 
joined, the road went southward until between lots 7 and 8, 
where it bore to the southwest, and in lot u led westward up 
over the hill to lot 105, where David Fowler lived. Thence it 
ran between lots 118 and 119 to Tuscarora. This was the 
original approach to their town, and it was put in condition 
for their travel before the town government was organized. 
There was also a road branching off from it in lot 11, and 
leading southward through their tract, dividing agam between 
lots 15 and 16. One of these went southwest, out at lot 133, 
and the other went southeast, across the Oriskany, southward 
and out at lot 45. Their main street was from lot 5 to lot 16. 
In 1796 this was moved by the peacemakers farther east and 
ran at the foot of the hill, being the present highway north 
and south, through Deansville. We have thus the earliest 
roads through the town. The road from David Fowler's, east- 
ward, down the hill to lot 13 was laid out about 1804, though 
it was in use earlier. That same year the road from Deans- 
ville west to Augusta was laid out. The one from lot 5 north- 
west dates from 1802, that across the southwest corner from 
1809, and that from lot 7 southwest to lot 118 probably from 
the discontinuance of the old road up the hill. 

As already stated, the town of Brothertown as constituted in 
1795 contained 9,390 acres, the balance of their tract being 
sold to the whites. About a third of this is now located in the 
town of Kirkland and the remainder in Marshall. It was sup- 
posed to comprise 149 lots, but in a later survey made by 
Peleg Gifford in 1828, at the direction of Thomas Dean, only 
148 lots were found, containing 9,587 acres. Most of these 
were fifty-acre lots. Those of Elijah Wampy and David Fow- 


ler were the largest, the former having 169 and the latter 
155 acres. This later survey has been used as the basis of 
various maps." As shown in the " Atlas of Oneida County," 
Samson Occom's house was located on the western end of lot 
10, marked as the residence of J. Whitney, and on the old road. 
The first schoolhouse of 1788 stood south of it on lot 11. 
Occom, therefore, lived within the present limits of the town 
of Kirkland, where also David Fowler was located and the 
ancient cemetery. 

The first mill erected in Brothertown was the sawmill to 
which reference is made by President Dwight. It was built 
only the year before his visit, and was located on the west end 
of lot 24, bordering on Oriskany creek, two acres of which 
the town bought for ^10 from Thomas Isaacs.^ A grist-mill 
was built in 1801 on the creek between lots 16 and 20. This 
was tended by various Indians appointed for the purpose, 
among them Asa and Paul Dick. The latter received fifteen 
dollars a month in 1808 for the service. Some time before 
that a second sawmill was erected in the south part of the 

The act of 1796 provided that a schoolhouse should be built 
and a school maintained therein. The early structure which 
bore that name must then have been in a decrepit condition. 
A new one was therefore begun by the superintendents in the 
summer of 1796, and completed in the autumn. It stood, the 
records state, " near where the old one stands on John Tuhis 
land." A detailed description is extant. It was twenty-four feet 
by thirty, built of timbers sawed four or five inches thick and 
dove-tailed together, with a white oak floor and shingled roof. 
Outside it was covered with planed boards standing upright 

'See A Map of the Lands Called Brothertown, by Gerrit Cluett, 1795, Chart No. 
62, Field book No. 27, Sec. of State of N. Y. ; Survey of 1828, by P. Gifford, Sur- 
veyor General's Office, No. 136 ; and Atlas of Oneida County, N. Y., D. G. Beers & 
Co., 1874. 

« SiiJ>t. Rec, pp. 55, 63 ; Town Rec, April 2, 1799. 



and painted. The chimney rose on the east. The door was 
in the middle of the south side, and it was well provided with 
windows, having twelve lights of glass each. The cost was 
^167, 5s. Elijah Wampy, Jr., was the first schoolmaster, but 
after three months he was discharged, and Hannah, the daugh- 
ter of David Fowler, succeeded him. In 18 19 they reported 
forty scholars, and in 1825 about eighty. Another school- 
house was built in 1809 in the south part of the town, and a 
third later near Asa Dick's, where Grace Tocus was at one 
time the teacher. The building of 1796 is said to have been 
destroyed by fire, and another erected farther south in the 
center of the settlement. As they voted in 1816 to sell the 
schoolhouse lot, this doubtless happened shortly before that 
date. Both edifices were designed also as a court-house and 
place for religious assemblies. Their town-meetings were 
held in them, and the sessions of the peacemaker's court. 
Here on Sunday they gathered to hear such preaching as 
could be had, the signal being a blast on the shell. A larger 
building was suggested by the superintendents, with a view of 
a more extensive education for Indian children; but in 1805 
the town voted that it was inexpedient. There was at this 
time, and for many years thereafter, no store of any kind in 
Brothertown. All their trading was done at John Post's well- 
known establishment in Utica. He received in exchange the 
ginseng, of which they gathered large quantities, and other 
produce which they had to market. 

The religious affairs of Brothertown did not move very 
smoothly after the death of Samson Occom. Samuel Kirk- 
land visited them repeatedly, and his manuscript journals 
contain sundry references to them. He made the following 
entry: "April 13, 1793. The poor people [at Brothertown] 
have been rent and torn to pieces by certain [seventh] day 
baptist teachers, or exhorters, who have been among them 
during my absence and confinement. Lastly they have been 


assailed by the Methodists and by persons who do not sup- 
port the best characters among that sect. The few remaining 
steady Indians are much concerned and know not which way 
to turn themselves nor what measures can be devised to pre- 
serve the nation from those divisions and animosities which 
will eventually prove their ruin." The Separatist notions, 
which, it will be remembered, had prevailed among some at 
Charlestown, seem to have lingered among them. The day 
after the above entry Kirkland preached at Brothertown, and 
he made the following record of his service : " Sighs and 
groans were now and then heard from various parts of the 
assembly ; but no crying out, as I was told there had frequently 
been with many. These would fall flat on the floor without 
receiving any apparent injury. This they ascribed to the 
power which they supposed came upon them, and carried 
them quite beyond themselves. I conversed with several on 
the subject and used so much tenderness and candour as not 
to provoke them or excite their jealousies. I soon found that 
they had but confused ideas themselves of what they thought 
this power to be. When I had explained to them the natural 
and genuine fruits and operation of the Holy Spirit in bring- 
ing souls home to Christ, they did not incline to ascribe it 
altogether to his operations or influences, but would say it was 
something above or beyond the power of man and the person 
upon whom the power thus came must be highly favoured of 
God." When Kirkland preached there again on the twenty- 
third of May, his service, he notes, was attended by all parties, 
Methodists, Baptists, Separatists and Presbyterians. In 1793 
Brothertown was visited by our old acquaintance. Rev. Samuel 
Ashbow, then about seventy-five years of age. We quote 
again from Kirkland's journal, December 16, 1793: "Was 
told by several Indians of the steady class that some of their 
tribe of the Baptist and Separate persuasion, particularly 
Ashpo, had lately arrived from N. E. Stonington and Mohegan 


in Connecticut; that they depended much on hearing me in 
order to judge for themselves if I was a gospel preacher. . 
I publicly proposed to Elder Ashpo (as they call him) to make 
the last prayer, but he declined. After service several of the 
Indians applied to him for another religious exercise, in which 
he should improve his gift, as they phrase it. Their object 
was that he should speak while I was present. He objected 
on account of the day being far spent etc." Elder Ashbow 
agreed, however, to meet the Indians in the evening and Kirk- 
land gives a report of the meeting : " Had an account of the 
meeting last evening. They had four speakers or exhorters, 
the last of whom was a woman. They continued together till 
midnight, but were all disappointed in Mr. Ashpo, the old 
gentleman, who instead of flame and zeal and an elevated 
voice spake with great deliberation, low voice and said little 
more than to repeat over a considerable part of my sermon 
with some comments on particular passages, and concluded 
by speaking highly of learning. After this young David 
Fowler rose and spake with great vehemence till he almost 
foamed at the mouth, but communicated no information or 
instruction. The whole of his harangue was a repetition of 
some extravagant words and phrases." On the next Sabbath, 
also, Kirkland preached there, but by mistake or design the 
people assembled in two different places and he was obliged to 
preach without the attendance of the Baptists. Samuel Ash- 
bow had always held such views as are here attributed to him, 
though at one time under Doctor Wheelock's influence he cast 
them aside. He remained at Brothertown only a short time, 
returned to Mohegan and died there. David Fowler, Jr., seems 
to have imbibed his views, though his father was one of the 
"steady" kind, which included the members of Occom's scat- 
tered flock. A congregation of Baptists with Separatist ten- 
dencies was the outcome of this year of divisions. The 
Methodist party was small and scarcely survived the men- 



tion of their name in Kirkland's journal, for he notes in July 
that "The methodist meeting is entirel}^ broken up." The 
missionary continued to preach at intervals to the steady class, 
but they had no stated minister thereafter. Thus it happened 
that there was developed among them a Baptist party, which 
was strong for many years. These in the course of time were 
divided, some being Freewill Baptists, of whom Elder Isaac 
Wauby and Elder Benjamin Garret Fowler were ministers, and 
others being close communion Baptists, to whom Elder Thomas 
Dick ministered. Perhaps this division prevented the building 
of a meeting-house, as the superintendents proposed. The town 
voted October 2, 1808, "That the Meeting House to be built 
in Brothertown is to stand west of the school house where the 
barn stands ; the said meeting house is to be thirty by forty 
feet square, two stories high with a steeple and a bell." This 
building, however, was not erected. The town voted June 24, 
1811, "That Elder Isaac Wauby and his Church should oc- 
cupy the school house in Brothertown on the last Sunday of 
June for the purpose of Public worship; and that Thos. E)ick 
and his church shall occupy the same House for the same pur- 
pose the Sunday thereafter, and each without any molestaticJn 
whatsoever, and so on alternately until some further arrange- 
ment shall be made by their agreement or otherwise." Elder 
Wauby removed with a party to White River, Indiana, and 
there died about 1824. His successor was Elder Fowler. The 
report on Brothertown affairs in 1825, says: "They have two 
preachers of the gospel among them of their own number, who 
are pious and exemplary men, regularly devoted to their calling." 
The superintendents came early to the conclusion that it 
was best to have a white man act in the capacity of teacher, 
and as their agent in the management of their business. 
Some time was spent in looking for a proper person. Thomas 
Eddy of New York, one of the superintendents, was a Quaker, 
and withal very greatly interested in the welfare of the tribe. 


A missionary movement among the Quakers about this time 
had awakened a zeal for such labor. In 1796, John Prince, 
James Cooper, Joseph Sanson, Isaiah Powland, Enoch Walker 
and Henry Simmons, Jr., "steady and judicious men," came 
to Oneida, where some of them began labors among the 
Indians. Eddy naturally looked to his brethren for one to 
fill this office. In 1798 he and his associates settled upon a 
Quaker named John Dean, then residing in New York. When 
word came to the Indians that a Quaker was to become their 
schoolmaster, they had some fear of his religious views. A 
petition was sent to Governor Jay representing "that they did 
not wish to be made proselytes by any people, but wished to 
have the liberty of acting according to the dictates of their 
own consciences both in religion and the teaching of their 
children." The superintendents disclaimed any other purpose 
than to assist the Indians, but said that John Dean was the 
only person of suitable character they had been able to pre- 
vail upon to reside among them. It was, therefore, decided 
that Dean should engage in the work at a salary of $300 per 
annum. The letter which he carried from Thomas Eddy to 
the peacemakers, and which says " he goes to be schoolmas- 
ter," is dated December 31, 1798. It has been said that he 
was commissioned in 1795 by the Society of Friends to labor 
as a missionary among the Brothertown Indians.^ We find no 
evidence that he was among them in any capacity at that 
time. He seems to have been a stranger when he was en- 
gaged. Possibly he was commissioned as a missionary, and 
labored among the Oneidas, or some neighboring tribe, as 
other Quakers did. At all events, he set out as above noted 
for Brothertown, and arrived there early in January. His 
family, we think, were not removed thither till the following 
summer. That spring a small house was built for him "near 
the schoolhouse," and the superintendents then set off ten 

'• Durant's Hist, of Oneida County. 


acres of land for this purpose. This was the Dean residence 
for some years, and, as it was near the schoolhouse it was, 
probably, on lot 11. John Dean was then well on in life. He 
is said to have been a good farmer, and much respected for 
his steady, sober conduct. His wife was " a reliable woman 
and in good respect for her industry and good management." 
President Dwight makes the following reference to him : "A 
Quaker who is a well-appearing man and of a good character, 
has come to Brothertown with his family, and resided here 
some time for the benevolent purpose of teaching the Indian 
children to read and write. He told me they learn as readily 
and rapidly as the children of whites. Their schoolhouse was 
built for them by the state and serves them as a church. "^° 
How long John Dean was actually engaged in teaching is 
uncertain. Some of the Indian children were boarded with 
him, at the town's expense, so late as 181 1. He is said to 
have died in 1820, aged eighty-eight years. His son, Thomas 
Dean, was associated with him by the action of the superin- 
tendents, March 26, 1801, and soon thereafter became the 
schoolmaster. He was then twenty-two years of age, and 
wise beyond his years. Like his father, he was a Quaker ; 
but the Indians had ceased to fear any proselytism to that 
faith. He possessed those qualities of character which ena- 
bled him to control them without offending their independ- 
ence; and, from the first, even more than his father, he won 
their confidence and affection. In 1809 he married Mary 
Flandrau, of New Rochelle, N. Y,, and settled down to devote 
his life to the welfare of the people whom he had adopted. 
He became not only their schoolmaster, but the agent of the 
superintendents. The Indians came to look upon him as 
their white father. He was their surveyor to lay out their 
roads, their lawyer to advise them in the sale of their lands, 
draw up conveyances and agreements, and hold trusts for the 

'0 Dwight's Travels, III, 169. 


benefit of certain individuals and families. He interested 
himself in the industrial affairs of the tribe, encouraging them 
in building, manufacturing and the improved tillage of their 
farms. There are, doubtless, to this day, at Deansville, which 
was named after him, and throughout the region, descendants 
of a nursery of apple-trees which he set out, and which were 
distributed among their farms. To him are largely due the 
later stability and success of the tribe. In 1824 he leased 
for ten years part of lot 16, which had been assigned to 
David Fowler, Jr., and three years later, a law having been 
passed permitting the sale of Indian lands, he bought four 
fifths of this lot for $640, from the Fowler heirs. The remain- 
ing fifth he bought in 1830. On this lot the Dean mansion 
was erected, and there he resided until his death, in 1842, at 
the age of sixty-three years. ^^ During his maturer years he 
did his greatest service for the Brothertown Indians. The 
emigration fever had again possessed them. A vast region in 
the new and distant West invited them, and they were sur- 
rounded by the whites. Thomas Dean then saw the wisdom 
of another removal to Wisconsin. In their behalf he under- 
took to open the way, journeying to Washington with Ran- 
dall Abner, their representative, and to the westward in this 
arduous service. His efforts were successful. In their appre- 
ciation of his many years as their father and friend, the Indians 
at first named their new settlement Deansborough. Company 
after company were made ready for their pilgrimage. One by 
one the aged, who tarried still, were laid in their graves. At 
last, when Thomas Dean came to his death, there were only a 
few of his people in the neighborhood to attend upon his burial. 
The Indian town of Samson Occom had melted away. 

His children were as follows : I. Philena Hunt, m. Prof. Marcus Catlin of Ham- 
ilton College. H. Phebe, m. Col. Alexander H. Redfield of Detroit, Mich. HI. 
John, b. Aug. 16, 1813; Ham Coll., 1S32; Mem. Leg. of N. Y., 1846, and Com. of 
Customs, Treas. Dept., Washington. IV. Hannah, d. 1S47. V. Elias Flandrau> 
physician, Phila., Pa. 



The ultimate emiojration of the Brothertown Indians to 
another location in the far West was foreseen by Samson 
Occom before his death. He looked about him on the beauti- 
ful hills and valleys of the Oneidas, and with prophetic gaze 
saw them thickly peopled by the whites. Doubtless he had 
many a conversation on the subject with his friends, and 
prominent among them was Hendrick Aupaumut, the chief of 
the Stockbridge tribe. He it was who became the forerunner 
of the New York Indians in their subsequent removal west- 

So early as the year 1791 this chief, accompanied by 
several of his nation and Good Peter, the aged father of the 
faith among the Oneidas, went on an embassy to the Miami 
tribe. The ostensible purpose of this visit was the introduc- 
tion of Christianity; but he seems also to have done some 
prospecting, with a vievv of locating a large tract of land on 
White river, now in Indiana, to which the Stockbridge tribe 
somehow had acquired a claim. A council was held there in 
1802 with the Delawares who had removed thither, Hendrick 
Aupaumut being chief of the Stockbridge delegation.^ A 
friendly compact was then made between them. For two 
years thereafter Captain Hendrick was engaged in perfecting 
this relationship in behalf of the Oneidas and their wards, the 
Indians of New Stockbridge and Brothertown. In the spring 

^A Report to the Secretary of IVar, Dr. Morse, App., pp. no, iii. 


of 1809 the latter were invited to send delegates westward 
with him. They did so, by a vote of the town on the fourth of 
April, and John Tuhie, John Skeesuck, Henry Cuship and 
Jacob Fowler were appointed. The speech delivered by them 
July third and the reply, read in their town-meeting, August 
twenty-ninth, are recorded in the town records. This passage 
is conspicuous in the reply: "Grand-children, Brothers and 
Friends : Be it known to you that you have the same privi- 
lege as we have to this land, we can not point out a particular 
spot for you to live on ; but you may take your own choice 
wherever you should be suited on undivided land along this 
river, there you may build your fire-place." ^ Captain Hendrick 
did not at once return to New Stockbridge, but remained some 
time in the White River country.^ During this period Tecumseh 
became powerful, and his brother, Elskwatawa, the " Shauwasee 
prophet," preached the extermination of the whites. The 
Stockbridge chief was then of great service to the government 
in opposing this excitement, and to General Harrison in the 
Indian war which followed. He had once fought in the Revo- 
lution, and in this war, as in that of 181 2, he was no less a 
brave warrior.'* 

It had been determined at Brothertown in 181 2 to begin a 
settlement at White River. These wars deterred them, and 
many of their number enlisted in the United States service. 
Some never returned. Finally, when peace had been restored, 
the town voted, January 13, 1817, to choose five men to go 
there " in pursuit of a tract of land heretofore sought for by 
their [our] delegates sent there in the year 1809, and to get a 
title to it." The Stockbridge tribe also were preparing to 

2 Toivn Records, pp. 58-60 ; Jones' Annals of Oneida Cotiniy. pp. 267-270. 

^ Sergeant's Journals, Am. Bd. Com. For. Miss.; Dr. Morse's Report, App., pp, 
108, 109. 

* This remarkable Indian afterwards removed with liis people to Wisconsin, living 
an honorable life to the last, and died at South Kaukauna in the summer of 1830' 
Muhhekaneok, Davidson, pp. 19, 20, 27 ; Wis. Hist. Soc. Coll., II, 433. 


remove. Two families went in 1817 and more the next 
season. On the twenty-fourth of July, 1818, Rev. John Ser- 
geant assembled the tribe in anticipation of this pilgrimage. 
The old church then dismissed and formed into a new body 
eleven of their number, for whom he transcribed the Confes- 
sion of Faith and Covenant in English, adding in their own 
language a Covenant especially adapted to their circum- 
stances.^ On the fifteenth of August following, some having 
gone and more being then ready to depart, another meeting 
was held, at which the chief, Hendrick Aupaumut, in a "large 
speech" presented to them from the old church a copy of 
Scott's Bible " to read on Lord's Days and at other religious 
meetings." So they said farewell, and were gone to return no 

Some Brothertown families went with this latter company, 
which soon overtook the first. Among these were Elder Isaac 
Wauby and some of his followers, Thomas Isaacs, and Samson 
Occom, a grandson of the minister, who is said to have 
descendants living in Wisconsin. Aged Indians now survive 
who remember this affecting farewell — the first of this pilgrim 
people to set out toward the setting sun. 

A great disappointment awaited them. Ere they reached 
their destination, they heard that the United States govern- 
ment by a treaty with the Miamis had bought a large tract of 
land, including that on which they had intended to settle.® 
A few of the Brothertown tribe returned, but most of them 
went on. Earnest efforts were made by these tribes in an 
appeal to the government to regain their lands, but they were 

5 This Covenant was signed by Deacon Joseph Quinney, John M'Toksin, Robert 
Konkpot, John Bennet, Betsey Bennet, Esther T., Margaret Q., Hannah K., 
Catharine M., Dolly N., and Mary K.—Sergeanfs Journals; Report of the Select 
Covt. of the Soc. for Prop, the Gos. among the Indians and others in North Avierica^ 
Cambridge, 1819, p. 14: Dr. Morse's Report^ App., p. 112; and Mtihhekaneok, 
Davidson, pp. 20 ff. 

^ Dr Morsels Report, App. pp. 114-118. 



of no avail. The trials of these emigrants discouraged them 
and sickness wasted their numbers. Elder Wauby died. Sev- 
eral years afterwards the remnant found their way to Green 
Bay. Thus the first attempt to establish a new town in the 
West came to naught. 

As this hope was dying out a new movement was being 
inaugurated. In the year 1816, that most remarkable mis- 
sionary and strange man of a royal likeness, Rev. Eleazar 
Williams, appeared among the Oneida Indians. The attempt 
already made suggested to him, to Rev. Jedediah Morse and 
especially to the land companies who wished the Indians to 
vacate their reservations in New York, the removal of all these 
Indians to a Western home.^ Williams hoped to form a con- 
federacy of Indian towns under one controlling head, and 
though this purpose failed, his efforts greatly furthered the 
emigration movement. 

The account of the negotiations of delegates from the New 
York tribes with the Menomonees and Winnebagoes at Green 
Bay, Wisconsin, in 182 1, is a tedious story. They were con- 
ducted under the authority of the United States. Captain 
Hendrick Aupaumut was prominent in the business. The 
result was the purchase of a large tract from these Wisconsin 
tribes, said to contain 2,000,000 acres, the consideration being 
$2,000, one quarter of which was then paid. The date of this 
treaty is August 18, 182 i. On the twenty-third of September, 
1822, another treaty was made, by which the New York 
Indians acquired "all the right, title, interest and claim" to 
another tract, for which they agreed to pay $3,000. The price 
was all the land was worth at the time. The Brothertown 
Indians were represented in these treaties; but they formally 
united in the affair in 1824, when on the sixth of April the 
town voted " that a purchase shall be made of land at Green 

' 77^1? Lost Prince,hy John H. Hanson ; Wis. Hist. Soc. Coll., II, 415-449 ; Muh- 
hekaneok, pp. 21 ff. ; Dr. Morse's Report, pp. 24-27, App. 75-89; and Jones' Annals 
of Oneida County, pp. 861-S63, 8S9, S93. 


Bay." The following Indians were then appointed to act in 
the matter with their agent, Thomas Dean : William Dick, 
Rhodolphus Fowler, Paul Dick, Benjamin G. Fowler, Thomas 
Dick, Randall Abner, John Johnson, Daniel Dick, David Tou- 
cee, George Scippio, George- Sampson, and Samuel Scippio. 
Some of these went to Wisconsin with Thomas Dean, and 
they bought a tract on Fox river, eight miles wide and thirty 
miles long, paying therefor $950, out of their annuity, which 
was nearly the amount of the payment then due on the above- 
named agreement with the Wisconsin Indians.^ Thus they 
had by representation at the treaty, by town vote, and by an 
actual payment allowed by the state of New York, acquired 
valuable lands. On the twenty-fourth of August, 1830, at the 
laying out of lands for the New York Indians, they were 
represented by William Dick, Rhodolphus Fowler and John 
Johnson.^ The remnant from White River removed thither at 
once, and others made ready to go. This required time. 
They had to sell their lots at Brothertown and arrange their 
affairs. Meanwhile, the Menomonees and VVinnebagoes had 
repented of their bargain, as the Oneidas did of their grant to 
the New England Indians. They denied the claim of the 
New York tribes. The United States government investigated 
the subject ; and notwithstanding the above treaties, which 
had been several times ratified and acknowledged, proceeded 
in the Stambaugh treaty, made at Washington, February 8, 
1831, to acquire from the Wisconsin tribes a title to all their 
lands. When this treaty came before the United States Sen- 
ate, that body refused to ratify it without providing that three 
townships east of W^innebago Lake be granted to the Stock- 
bridge, Munsee and Brothertown Indians, in addition to 
500,000 acres lying west of Fox river, and giving them com- 
pensation for the improvements on the lands they then occu- 

^ N. Y. Ach., Assembly Papers, Ind. Aff., Vol. 41, p. 93; ^wd Report tf/1825. 
« Wis. Hist. Soc. Coll.,McCalPs Joiirnal,X\l, 191. 


pied. The township of the Brothertown tribe was to contain 
23,040 acres and they were allowed $1,600 for their improve- 
ments. Even an Indian could see the difference between this 
and the 153,600 acres they had bought and paid for. The 
boundaries of the tract west of Fox River were changed and 
the Indians protested. What could they do ? Some of them 
were on the ground and they wanted to settle down. Their 
brethren in New York were anxiously awaiting the fixing of a 
location. So finally the agreement was accepted and the 
treaty was proclaimed July 9, 1832. 

This was the status of their land affairs until the treaty of 
January 15, 1838, concluded at Buffalo Creek, N. Y. Let it 
be remembered that the New York Indians then had a title to 
500,000 acres as above stated, in addition to the reservations 
on which they lived. The possession of this tract was the 
object of the treaty of 1838.^'^ We have no place here for 
details ; but the issues depending upon this transaction have 
been of importance to the New York Indians ever since. 
Upon them their so-called " Kansas claim " has rested. This 
famous case of the " New York Indians vs. The United States " 
has been on its tedious journey through the courts these many 
years, and now in this memorable year of justice, A. D. 1898, 
has come to a final decision in the Supreme Court in favor of 
the Indians. -^^ How strange is this denouement of history! 

^0 U. S. Statutes at Large, Vol. VII, Indian Treaties, pp. 550 ff. 

11 The history of this case would fill a volume. It is Congressional Case No. 151 ; 
United States Court of Claims, No. 17,861; Supreme Court of the United States, 
Oct., 1896, No. 415. The Court of Claims decided in favor of the Indians in 1890. 
This decision was finally reversed aiid the Indians appealed to the Supreme Court. 
The argument was made by Hon. Joseph H. Choate, Dec. 7 and 8, 1896, and it was 
reargued later on a constitutional question. The Supreme Court decided in favor of 
the Indians, who then moved for judgment in the Court of Claims. An attempt was 
then made to reduce the amount of the claim by excluding the New York Indians in 
Wisconsin; but the Court of Claims on the mandate of the Supreme Court entered 
judgment, Nov. 14, 1898, in favor of the claimants for ^1,961,400. Provision for this 
payment will be a duty of the Fifty-sixth Congress. All of the nine nations and tribes 
of New York are beneficiaries. James B. Jenkins, Esq., of Oneida, N. Y., has been 


The half million acres which- was the stake in 1838 came to 
the New York Indians in consequence of the agreement of 
1822 ; this was made valid by the payment of the $950 by the 
Brothertown Indians; they obtained this money from the fund 
arising out of the lands which Samson Occom so bravely 
fought to retain; and he was the first native missionary of 
New England to carry the gospel to the Six Nations. 

The New York Indians certainly deeded by the above treaty 
of 1838, the 500,000 acres of their Green Bay lands. In 
return they were to receive "as a permanent home for all the 
New York Indians then residing in the State of New York or 
in Wisconsin " a tract of land directly west of the state of 
Missouri "to include 1,824,000 acres," "to have and to hold 
the same in fee simple to the said tribes or nations by patent 
from the President." It was further provided that the tribes 
should agree to remove thither " within five years, or such 
other time as the President may from time to time appoint," or 
forfeit their interest to the United States ; but the govern- 
ment was to appropriate $400,000 to aid them in this removal. 
The Indians claimed that the United States government never 
performed its part of the agreement, that no time was ap- 
pointed for their removal, that no appropriation was made 
therefor, that the Kansas lands were never conveyed to them, 
and that they have been sold to white settlers. An attempt 
was made in 1846, without the President's appointment, to 
remove two hundred and one Indians from New York. 'I'hese 
were conducted by the Indian agent to the Little Osage River 
in Kansas and there left unprovided for — to starve and die 
during the following winter. Thirty-two only of the survivors 
rem.iined there and their lands were taken from ihtMU by 
settlers. As shown in the statement of their case, 'this is all 
the government has done to fullil its agreement in payment 

interested in this case for many years as attorney for the Indians, and to him the 
credit of the final decision is largely due. 


for the Green Bay lands, which are said to have been sold 
under various acts of Congress at an average price of $1.34 
per acre. 

As to the historical relation of the Brothertown tribe to the 
New York Indians, by which they participated in all these 
treaties, there can be no doubt. Since the grant to the New 
England Indians in 1774, as heretofore related, they have been 
by Indian customs and treaty wards of the Oneida Indians. 
In all the early negotiations they were concerned. They 
specifically by a town vote, April 4, 1824, reaffirmed their 
union with the New York Indians in making the purchase of 
1822. Thereafter they were recognized in all these transac- 
tions by the Wisconsin tribes and the United States. As to 
the treaty of 1838, the Brothertown Indians are named among 
the tribes participating and concerned in the Western grant. 

The Brothertown Indians, as the remnant of the New Eng- 
land tribes, have had a peculiar plea for consideration and 
justice. They alone of all the scattered nations, which our 
forefathers were wont to term "the lost tribes of Israel," can 
trace their ancestry back to the days of the founders of this 
Republic. In their civilization the seeds of the saintly John 
Eliot's sowing are still bearing fruit. They are the descend- 
ants of Wheelock's Indian Charity School — the spiritual chil- 
dren of Samson Occom. Their ancestors fought with Uncas, 
" the white man's friend," in the Pequot War, went out with 
his three sons against King Philip and came to the rescue of 
the English after the massacre of Bloody Brook. The rolls of 
all the later Colonial wars contain the names of soldiers from 
whom they can prove a lineal descent. Their great grand- 
fathers fought in the Revolution, and so many of them perished 
that it was, by the testimony of William Williams, the death 
blow to their ancient tribal strength. In the war of 1812 
their grandsires were engaged, and they themselves, out of 
their diminished numbers, furnished nearly threescore and ten 


soldiers in the Civil War. Where in this broad land can such 
a Society of the Colonial Wars be found ? Whatever the 
merits of their claim may have been, which it is not for the 
historian to judge, the survivors of the New England Indians 
have a title to the respect of the American people. 

The first emigration of families from Brolhertown, N. Y., to 
Green Bay was in the year 1831. Individuals and deputations 
only had before this made journeys thither to secure the land 
and take possession. With this removal in view they peti- 
tioned the General Assembly of New York for permission to 
sell their lots, which was granted by an act passed April 16, 
1827. The superintendents were thus authorized on the 
application of any Indian to convey his land in fee simple, 
receiving one fourth of the purchase money in cash and leav- 
ing the balance secured by a mortgage to be paid in instal- 
ments. The seller and the peacemakers were to acknowledge 
all deeds which were to be duly recorded. The proceeds of all 
common lands w^ere to be expended in the removal of the poor 
and the residue, if any, in building a schoolhouse in their new 
home. All who removed w^ere still to receive their portion of 
the annuity. This provision in regard to the Brothertown fund 
was carried out until, by an act passed May 25, 1841, those 
who had then removed to Wisconsin received their portion of 
the principal. Thus the obstacles in the way were cleared. 
The Indians began at once in 1827 to dispose of their lots. 
All matters relating to their emigration were placed in the 
hands of a committee chosen annually, and the affair was con- 
ducted with discretion. Probably no Indian tribe of North 
America ever emigrated under more favorable circumstances. 
They had acquired experience and knowledge of government. 
They had the means necessary for a good start in a new coun- 
try. Some of them were well-to-do. The distance w^as great 
and they could not transport all their household effects. 
Fortunately, however, they had a waterway in the Erie canal 


from Utica to Buffalo and thence they could conveniently 
reach Green Bay by the great lakes. 

The company of 1831 was composed of nearly forty persons, 
chiefly the large families of William and Elkanah Dick and 
Randall Abner. Thomas Commuck and his wife Hannah, 
Isaac Scippio and David Johnson also went in this party. Of 
these the following were living in 1895 : Barbara Dick, Delila 
Dick Brushil, Hannah Abner Commuck, Rebecca Abner John- 
son, and Elias and David Dick. They made their settlement 
at Kaukauna on the Fox River, and built their log houses. 
The land was not the best adapted to farming and they did 
not intend to remain there. The treaty which gave them a 
township farther south on the east shore of Winnebago Lake 
was then pending and was ratified the following year. Hence 
they had not long to remain, and they moved to their final 
location in 1832 and 1833. In 1832 a larger company reached 
the new settlement, consisting of forty-four persons, as nearly 
as can now be ascertained. These included the families of 
Alexander, Daniel and Thomas Dick, William Johnson, Simeon 
and John Adams, Ezekiel Wiggins, Abraham Skeesuck, 
Nathan Paul and John Seketer, besides several men, Jere- 
miah Johnson, George Skeesuck, Charles Seketer and James 
Wauby. By the town records they were expecting to start on 
the twenty-fifth of June. They probably set out about that 
time, as they were four weeks going from Buffalo to Green Bay 
and arrived there early in August. The vessel in which the lake 
voyage was made was The President. Another party went 
in 1834, in which were Elder Thomas Dick and his wife 
Debora, Patience Fowler, the widow of James, and her chil- 
dren, widow Hannah Dick, James Niles, Jesse Corcomb, Isaac 
Wauby, Emanuel Johnson, Joseph Palmer and such families 
as they had. They made the voyage in a schooner named 
T/ie Navigator. In 1835 there went James Simons, Samuel 
Skeesuck, Alonzo D. Dick and his family and Solomon Paul. 


They went in the steamboat United States. One of the largest 
companies went in 1836, in which were Rhodolphus Fowler and 
his children, Simeon Hart, Lothrop Dick, William Crosley, 
John Johnson, Ira Hammer, David Wiggins, George Scippio, 
John Matthews, Henry Fowler and Erastus Fowler, some of 
them with families. Some of these met a tragic death by the 
capsizing of a boat on Fox River, where six men were drowned. 
After this they went in smaller parties as they conveniently 
could, including widows Esther Sampson and Amy Johnson, 
Charles Anthony, Henry Skeesuck, Hezekiah Fowler, John 
Wauby, Rowland Johnson, Isaac Dick, Alexander Fowler, 
Laton Dick and Thomas Hammer. Elder Benj imin G. Fow- 
ler went in 1846, most of his flock having preceded him. 
Thus most of the tribe were reunited in their new home. In 
anticipation of a distribution of the principal of their fund a 
census was made of those remaining in New York in 1843, 
and it shows the names of ninety-six persons. Of these a 
large number went to Wisconsin during the five years follow- 
ing. As an enumeration made in 1837, in connection with the 
treaty, gives their number as three hundred and sixty, there 
must have been in Wisconsin in 1843 about two hundred and 
fifty. Probably the number at its greatest was not far from 
three hundred. Some few never removed and some who did so 
afterwards returned and died in their old home. They decreased, 
however, rapidly ; and when after the late war one of the 
tribe, Lyman P. Fowler, visited the old Oneida town, he found 
himself among strangers. He brightened the memories of the 
past by visiting the home of Thomas Dean's daughter — a 
gracious woman whom the Indians called Lady Catlin ; but 
he could scarcely identify the landmarks of his youth. The 
remnant in the town had melted away and everything about 
was changed. He sorrowfully climbed the hill on the shoulder 
of which Samuel Kirkland's college is now situated, and 
stopped half way up — as many another returning pilgrim has 


done — at the residence of Professor Edward North, and there 
related the fact that in the old Indian town of by-gone days 
he had seen on a fence-post near their burial-place an Indian 
skull. In 1893, when the writer visited Deansville in search 
of the grave of Samson Occom, he could find only one Indian 
in the town ; and he was the aged " Billy Paul," a descendant 
of both Samson Occom and David Fowler, spending his linger- 
ing years in the -white man's poorhouse ! 

The township granted to the Brothertown Indians by the 
treaty of 1832 extended four miles north and south on Winne- 
bago Lake and eight miles east and west. Two roads were 
laid out in straight parallel lines leading north and south, the 
westernmost about a quarter of a mile from the lake, called 
the " Base Line Road," and another eastward called '' Turkey 
Street." A so-called " iMilitary Road," built by Colonel Scott 
for the use of troops, ran north and south between these, and 
on this the village of Brothertown is now located. The town 
was not laid out in lots until 1839, in which year they received 
the honors of citizenship in the United States. An act of 
Congress, passed March 3, 1839, Provided that their land 
could be divided and held in fee simple. ^^ Commissioners' 
were then appointed. The old town voted, May 6, 1839, that 
the Green Bay lands should be divided that season, that one 
share should be given to adults and one-half share to minors 
and that the latter should also be apportioned to females who 
had married outside of the tribe. Thomas Dean was sent to 
attend upon this business. The land proved to be of the best 
character for their agricultural purposes. It is claimed by 
them that the bounds of their grant were unlawfully altered 
and the only reason they can give for this is that it was 

12 The deeds reciting this act were on parchment and were signed by John Tyler, 
Prest. There were two hundred and forty lots in all and each Indian had a fifty- 
acre lot and a fraction of twelve and one half acres. At the present time twenty-five 
families hold lands there and some of them are on their original claims. 'J he early 
mill locations were held by David and William Fowler until their leases expired. 


"too good land for Indians." At first they named their town 
Deansborough, though a certain locality was called Pequot. 
It was also known as Manchester. The name is now Brother- 
town, in remembrance of their old home. 

The county called Calumet was formed the year after their 
admission to citizenship, by an act approved January 6, 1840. 
The first election was held in the house of Elkanah Dick. 
John Johnson, Daniel Dick and David Fowler were chosen 
county commissioners and the other offices were filled by 
David Johnson, O. D. Fowler, Simeon Hart and John John- 
son, Jr. The first session of the county commissioners was 
held in the house of David Fowler, March 11, 1840. John 
Johnson was elected chairman, and Daniel Dick, clerk. Will- 
iam Dick was treasurer, and James Wauby and Alexander G. 
Dick were constables. The county was divided into two 
assessment and election districts. At this time the value of 
real and personal property in the county was $68,320, upon 
which a tax of nine mills was assessed. This early county 
organization gave place, a few years later, to one in which the 
whites participated. Some of the tribe have attained honors 
in public office. William Fowler, Alonzo D. and \\'illiam H. 
Dick have served as members of the Wisconsin legislature. 

In early days they formed no new ecclesiastical organiza- 
tion. After the coming of their elders, Benjamin G. Fowler 
and Thomas Dick, they had preachers of their own. David 
Fowler was for years a deacon among them. About 1840, a 
Methodist church was organized and a small meeting-house 
built. The congregation was successively ministered to by 
neighboring clergymen, especially from Duck Creek, named 
Poe, Frink, Clark and Halsted. Thomas Commuck was their 
first postmaster, and he and Randall Abner were justices of 
the peace and performed their marriages. The "Indian 
Melodies " which Commuck issued was never very exten- 
sively used by them, though copies are preserved and highly 



regarded in their homes. Its author was himself a singer. 
He was an eccentric man, of remarkable memory, and a liter- 
ary turn of mind.^^ Since the days of the first emigration 
they have used the English language. It is remembered 
among them, however, that sometimes a group of old ladies — 
Pually Mossuck, Martha Paul and Lucy Waukeet — would 
carry on their private gossip in the musical tongue to which 
they had been born. 

During the early years of the town they made encouraging 
progress in agriculture. Their farms were cleared and sub- 
stantial buildings were erected. Among their number were 
those who were skilled in the trades. The work on the first 
steamboat which was built on Lake Winnebago, under the 
superintendence of Peter Hoteling and called "The Man- 
chester" and later the "Fountain City," was done largely by 
Deacon David Fowler. Gradually, however, a change has 
been going on. When the parents died, the younger genera- 
tion sought brighter prospects in other employments. Some 
are engaged on railroads and some on the lakes. Others 
turned to trade. The foreign elements began to come in, 
mostly Germans, and buy out the Indians. Some emigrated 
farther west, to Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska and even to 
California. At the present time there are probably not more 
than one hundred and fifty of the tribe within the town, which 
has a population of fifteen hundred. Their village, located 
about half a mile from the lake, comprises about twenty 
houses, a store or two, the church, a schoolhouse and their 
town hall. In one of these stores, Edgar M. Dick, a lineal 
descendant of a bloodthirsty Narragansett, will cut your hair, 
and, with more consideration than his ancestor had, will leave 
the scalp. They have the reputation of being a respecta- 
ble and worthy people. In morals and religion they com- 

13 See Sketch of the Brotherioivn Indians^ Wis. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV, 291 ; and 
Sketch of Caluvut County, Ibid., I, 103, by Thomas Commuck. 


pare favorably with the whites round about them. For more 
than sixty years since they located in that wilderness, not 
one of their number ever saw the inside of the state prison. 
The visitor among them will readily recognize the peculiar 
traits of Indian character. Reserve and caution distinguish 
them. Some are as keen in discernment as their ancestors 
were on the war-path. The place is an interesting field for 
the ethnologist, for the types of the ancient tribes of New 
England are still to be observed among them. The Narra- 
gansett is there with his athletic figure and easy poise, the 
Mjhegan wiih his intelligent face and the Montauk with his 
sturdy frame. An admixture of boih white and negro blood 
is clearly visible, but it is known to have taken place in alli- 
ances before they left New England. Children of the same 
parents exhibit the greatest variety, in features, in shades of 
Color and expression of countenance, though all are distinctly 
Indian. The tribe still maintains a unity in an organization, 
a relic of their Indian town, and they have duly chosen " Head- 
men." In 1895 these were James Simons, Edgar M. Dick, 
Lathrop Fowler, Oscar Johnson, John E. Ham mar and Theo- 
dore Dick. This office conveys no more authority than the 
tribe choose to give. It has been perpetuated in large meas- 
ure by the necessity of their land claim. 

Among these survivors of the Christian Indians of New 
England it is believed that their numbers are slowly decreas- 
ing. " Here we have taken our stand," wrote Thomas Cum- 
muck, "and are resolved to meet manfully that overwhelming 
tide of fate which seems destined in a few short years to 
sweep the Red Man from the face of existence." The chill 
winds which blow between the lake on their west and the 
greater Michigan on their east, are favorable to that terrible 
disease, consumption, which has always carried many to the 
grave. Their burial-place near at hand has gathered most of 
the founders. Only a few remain, whose memories, amply 







proven on many points to be most retentive and accurate, 
reach back to the times and scenes of their Oneida home. 
Elias Dick, whose frame in its stalwart days would have done 
honor to a Narragansett sachem ; Hannah Cummuck, in whom 
the trials of many years have ripened an auturrinal glory; 
Rowland Johnson, distinguished in dignity and gentleness ; 
and Rebecca Johnson, the storehouse of all the facts and 
traditions of their tribal history — these, who have contributed 
invaluable details to this narrative, will long be remembered 
by their white friend. 

Here speaks the sage of Brothertown, John Collins Fow- 
ler, a grandson of the faithful David of early times: "The 
Indian, whatever his present state, can be civilized and made 
a useful citizen of this great Republic; but his nature is differ- 
ent from that of the white man. He is easily tempted by the 
fire-water, which has been his curse since men have known 
him. The white man is energetic, ambitious, over-reaching. 
The Indian is content with little, sluggish, and he cannot hold 
on to what he gets. It is not for the Indians to have any- 
thing. They should never live in the same community with 
the whites, for they will soon be stripped of all they have and 
left by the roadside. Ah ! yes, my people are dying away, 
and we shall soon be gone." 

The Montauk Indians of Samson Occom's day had a belief 
in the existence of souls after death, and that the spirits of 
good Indians go to the westward, where they exercise them- 
selves in dancing and pleasurable singing forever in the pres- 
ence of the western God! Westward they have been going 
ever since the Pilgrims landed. Some day may they find there 
the land of plenty and of peace. Ere another century has 
passed may those words be true which the Oneida sachem 
Onondega uttered to a Commencement audience at Dartmouth 
College a century ago, " The light begins a little to break 
away from yonder wilderness toward the setting of the sun." 


TRACT OF Lf\NJD ZOl-0- l-]f]S. 
1466.2. ACRES. 

A — Samson Occom's house 
B — David Fowler's house 
C— Old Indian Burying- 

D — New Cemetery 
E— Lot of David Fowler, Jr., 

and Thomas, Dean, Deans- 

F— Diigway Burying-ground 
G— Old Mill 
H — Old Scboolhouse 
Indian Road of 1795 


p. Gifford, Surveyor, 1S2S 





Abner, — Pequot tribe, Stonington, Conn. In 1762 an Indian 
called "Abner,'' aged 45, was living in a wigwam at Mushantuxet in 
Groton. He had six children. James Abner, who with his wife 
Mary was living at Lantern Hill, Stonington, in 1788, was doubtless 
a son and the father of Randall. 

Randall Abner, born June 4, 1789, at Stonington, married Sarah 
Tocus. They moved to Stephentown, N. Y., and thence in 18 19 to 
Brothertown. He received lot 86. in 1823; was a peacemaker from 
1823 to 1831 ; removed to Wisconsin in 1831 and to Kansas later, 
where he died in 1852, ae. 63, and she Apr. 9, 1869, as. 73. Chn. : 
I. Hannah Abigail, b. Aug. 21, 1814, m. Thomas Commuck. II. 
Rebecca, b. Mar. 2, 18 16, m. (i) Simeon Adams, (2) John W. 
Johnson. III. Rmdall, who went to iNebraska. IV. Joseph, who 
was lost at sea. V. Silvia, m. Daniel Skeesuck. VI. Lucy. m. (i) 
Stowe, (2) Coffin VII. Marietta, m. John Welch. VIII. Roxy. 
IX. James. X. Denison, who went to Kansas. XL Grace. 

Adams. Adam, _ Tunxis tribe. Farmington, Conn. A Quinnipiac 
Indim, nicknam d "Adun,'"of East H.iven, "bought of a squaw" 
land at Farmington, which he divided Nov. 3, 1756. between his sons, 
John and Samuel Adam. He signed as "Jacob Adam." but Oct. 10, 
1776, he is "Thorn IS Adams late deceased." He was the head man 
of the Q liniiipiic Indians who exchanged rights at New Haven for 
lands at Farmington. removed thither and were adopted by the Tunxis 
tribe. In 1770 he was aged and infirm and soon after died. 

Jolin Ad ims (lAdam). New Haven, 1756, and of age, married Sarah 
and moved to Farmin^^ton. He was a councilor and landowner; 


a soldier in the French wars and the Revolution ; was at Stockbridge, 
Mass.; and a founder of Brothertown, where he soon died. Chn. : 
I. John, b. 1755. II. Sarah, m. Abraham Simons. 111. Simeon. 
IV. Samuel. 

John Adams (2 John, 1 Adam) was an early settler at Brothertown, 
where he received lot 126 in 1795. He married later " Widow Sarah 
Davies," born in 1748, owner ot lot 6, and died before 1804, without 
issue. His lot then assigned to Eliphalet Adams (Marthers), 
subject to the dower ot Widow Sarah. 

Simeon Adams (2John, ^Adam) was a soldier in Capt. Elisha Lee's 
company in 1776. He moved to Brothertown before 1799, and had 
lots 99 and 124 in 1804. He died about 1829, his heirs being his 
brother Samuel's children. 

Samuel Adams (^John, 1 Adam) married Mary, daughter of David 
Fowler, and settled at Brothertown. He had been a soldier in the 
Revolution, enlisted in the War of 181 2, and was killed at Black 
Rock. She was living at Brothertown in 1 81 7. Chn.: 1. Thankful, 
m. Stevens. II. John, who with his wife Sally removed to Wisconsin 
in 1832, and died at Dickenson's Mills. 111. Simeon, who m. Rebecca 
Abner, moved to Wisconsin and died there. IV. Hannah, m. Solo- 
mon Paul. V. Emeline, m. Lothrop Dick. Edwin C. Adams, alias 
Edwin Edwards or Edwin Hathaway, an orphan, v\-as brought up in 
this family. He m. Lovina Matthews, and moved to Brothertown, 
Wis. Tlieir son, Arthur Adams, was in Co. G, 36th Wis. Vols., and 
died in Andersonville prison Sept. 2, 1864. 

Samuel Adams (lAdam) was born in 1734. and married Hannah 
Squamp of the Wangunk tiibe, by whom he had rights in the Matta- 
besett lands at xMiddletown, Conn. Both were well educated. He 
was a soldier in Capt John Patterson's company in 1756, and in 
Capt. Timothy Northam's company, ist Regt N. Y. troops, in 1762. 
He was a councilor and landowner at Farmington ; an early settler at 
Brothertown; was driven out by the war, and went to Hancock, 
Mass. He returned to Brothertown and in 1795 received lot 7, where 
he had built his first hut. He died about 1800. Ch. : Solomon, 
and perhaps others. 

Solomon Adams (2 Samuel, lAdam) received part of lot 52 at 
Farmington from his father, March 21, 1782. He married Olive, 
daughter of Rev. Samson Occom, was a soldier in the Revolution, 
and died about 1783. His widow held " a part of the 5th lot west of 
the Indian tract and the house thereon," whence she afterwards emi- 
grated to eastern New York. Chn. : I. Philena, m. (i) James Wau- 
cus, (2) Thomas Crosley. II. Damaris, m. Jacob Thomas. III. 
Ellen, New Marlboro, Mass. These sold their father's rights at 
Farmington in 1801. Probably also there was a son David, who re- 
ceived lot 134 at Brothertowai in 1797, and died without issue. 



Anthony, — Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. A number of 
Indians bearing this n ime were living there in 1750. John Anthony 
m.irried Sarah, the widow of George Ninegret, A Cluirles Anthony 
resided there in 1763, and thence tlie Brothcrtown emigrant came. 

Charles Anihony was a later settler at Brothertown. He married 
Lorinda Brushel, who inherited rights in several lots sold 1828-1835. 
He was town mirsiial from 1828 to 1832. They moved to Wisconsin 
about 1837, and died there. Ch. : Lowana. 

Brushel, Brushil, Brushill, Brusheill, — Mohegan tribe, Mo- 
hegan, Conn. This family vvas not of the early Mohegan stock. The 
name is not found in lists made so late as 1782. In recent times 
some of that name have lived at Mohegan, and Sam Brushel, who 
died there in 1882, aged 37, claimed to have royal blood. Probably 
an Indian of another tribe married a Mohegan woman and was 

Abigail Brushel appeared at Brothertown in 1796, a widow, and 
received lot 46, which was sold in 1829 for the benefit of " Widow 
Abigail." She had sons Samuel and Sampson, and probably Mary, 
John, Lemuel and Timothy were also her children, Mary had lot 47 
in 1804; John lots 38 and 39 in 1804; Lemuel lot 44 in 1797; and 
Timothy lot ']t^ in 1796. Lemuel died about 1827 without issue. 
Timothy died on a man-of-war and his widow and son Samuel 
inherited his lot. 

Samuel Brushel (lAbigail), born in 1772, and his wife Esther, 
born in 1774, received lot 25, in 1795. She died and he married 
Abigail Skeesuck. The lot was sold for their benefit in 1828. Chn. : 
L Thomas, m. Hannah Ciijep. 11. Nancy, m. Hart. 111. Henry. 
IV. Lucinda, m. Welch, removed to Wisconsin, and died. V. Sam- 
uel, m. Nancy Welch. VI. Lydia, m. Aaron Toucee. 

Henry Brushel (2 Samuel, ^Abigail), born June 24, 18 14, married 
Nancy Welch Brushel, his brother's widow. They moved to Wis- 
consin, where he died Sept. 24, 1864, and she April 7, 1864, aged 55. 
Chn. : I. Samuel, a soldier in the Civil War, who died after his 
return. II. Frances. III. Almira. IV, Nancy E., d. Feb. 15, 
1865, ae. 25. 

Sampson Brushel (^Abigail), born in 1774, had lots 127 and 34 at 
Brothertown. He married Betsey Ceipet, by whom he had Lorinda, 
who married Charles Anthony, and possibly a son Benjamin. They 
died at Brothertown. 

Ceipet, Cebit, Seepet, Seabpeet. Benjamin Ceipet and Han- 
nah his wife received lot 35 at Brothertown in 1804. He died about 
1807 and she about 1828. They left a daughter Betsey, a son Daniel, 
and possibly other children. 



Charles. There were families of this name at Montauk, L. I., 
Farmingtoii, Conn., and Charlestown, R. I. An Indian so named, 
probably of the latter place, marrit-d Rhoda, daughter of James Niles, 
who as a widow settled at Brothertown and received lot 32 in 1804, 
She married later Daniel Wauby. Two youth, John and Mary 
Charles, living with John Tuhie in 1795, were doubtless her children, 
the' former inheriting as an heir of James Niles. She also had a 
daughter Olive who moved to Wisconsin. John Charles, born in 
1789. is thoujiht to have been the fatiier of Oliver Charles, grandson 
ot Rhoda and heir in 1843. Josiah Charles, whose relation to the 
above is unknown, received lot 102 at BrothertSwn in 1804, married 
Jerusha, daughter of George Peters, and died about 1828. Their 
only child Eunice m. (i) David Toucee ; (2) William Crosley. 

COCHEATT, CoCHEAKS, OuoCHEETS, — Pequot tribe, Groton, Conn. 
This was a prominent family at Mushantuxet, the earliest of the name 
being Daniel, who, in 1762, aged 60, was living there in a wigwam, 
having a family of six. A descendant, Charles Cocheatt, was a late 
comer at Brothertown, having lot 82 in 1831. He married Sophia 
Crosley. Chn. : Joseph, Josiah, Hannah, and Malinda. 

CocHEGAN, COCHEGION, — Mohegan tribe, Mohegan, Conn. Solo- 
mon Cochegan, born about 1735, was an early settler at Brothertown, 
living on lot 114, which was given to his widow Hannah, aged 60, 
after his death in 1794. They had a daughter Mehitable, who with 
an infant child Johanna, lived with them, and a son Solomon, who 
received lot 61 in 1797, and was probably the father of Hannah and 
Lucy Cochegan, heirs to lot 114 in 1834. 

COMMUCK, CuMMUCK, CoMMACH, — Narragansett tribe, Charles- 
town, R. I. In 1766 an Indian named "Commach" was living 
there, and Patience Cummuck, the only other of the name, may have 
been his wife. A son or grandson, Joseph Commuck, became a 
councilor in 1802, and both he and his wife died a few years there- 
after, leaving two young sons, James and Thomas. 

Thomas Commuck (1 Joseph), born Jan. 18, 1804, at Charlestown, 
received a fair education in his youth, which was increased by habits 
of reading throughout his life. He emigrated to Brothertown before 
1825, and received the west half of lot 85 in 1831, to be sold that he 
might remove to Wisconsin. He married, July 31, 1831, Hannah, 
daughter of Randall Abner. They were first settlers in the Green 
Bay home. He was the first postmaster of Brothertown, Wis., a 
Justice of the Peace and prominent in the affairs of the tribe. Besides 



several historical papers he printed the •' Indian Melodies." He died 
Nov. 25, 1855. His widow is still living at Brothertown, Wis., and 
enjoys a vigorous old age in the home of Edgar M. Dick. Chn. : 
I. Alzuma, b. Nov. 14, 1832, m. Toxuse. \\. Thomas Mirvan, b. 
Nov. 26, 1835, a soldier in the Civil War, who died in Iowa in 1S92. 
III. Sarah Prentiss, b. Apr. 12, 1838, m. Orville A. Hart. IV. 
Worthington, b. Aug. 31, 1840, d. Feb. i, 1863, in Libby Prison — 
a soldier in Co. E, 21st Wis. Vols. V. Victoria, b. June 11, 1842. 
VI. Helen, b. Aug. 4, 1844, m. Frank La Belle. VII. Theresa, b. 
Sept. 29, 1846. Vlll. Bertha, b. Sept. 8, 1848. IX. Alice E., b. 
June 12, 1851 ; m. Rhodolphus M. Fowler. X. Omer Pasha, b. 
May 25, 1854. 

CoYHis,- Covs, COHOIZE, CoGHOOiszE, — Narragansett tribe, 
Charlestown, R. I. Toby Cohoize, born in 1673 ^'^"^ living in 1763, 
was doubtless the father of Ephraim, the councilor of 1747, then aged 
44. Ephraim had a son Ephraim, who also became councilor and 
fought in the French wars. The latter had a son William, under 
16 \ears of age in 1761. 

William Coyhis (^Ephraim, 1 Ephraim) married Mary , a white 

woman, and moved to Brothertown about 1800. He had sons to 
whom lot 72 was assigned in 1804, on condition that they support 
their white mother, who was a widow, her husband dying in May, 
1804. He was town clerk from 1802 to 1804. Of his sons, John 
only grew to manhood and received lot 72 in 1824. 

John Coyhis (^ William, "-^ Ephraim, 1 Ephraim) married Martha, 
daughter of Asa Dick. He received part of lot 52 in 18 [4, where 
both lived and died. Chn.: I. Isaac C. II. John R., m. Sophia 
Sampson. III. Benjamin J., who moved to Wisconsin. Hem. (i) 
Laura, d. Jan 14, 1875, ae. 58; (2) Rosella S., d. Sept. 9, 1880, 
ae. 29. 

Crosley. This family is said to have been of tlie Pequot tribe at 
Stonington, Conn. George Crosley, born in 1748, was an early 
settler at Brothertown, living on lot 2. In 1795 he had a wife Lorn- 
hamah, born in 1754, and six children. His second wife was Eliza- 
beth Fowler, widow of Obadiah Scippio. He lived to old age, held 
several town offices and died at Brothertown Chn. : I. Grace, b. 
1776, m. Joseph Tocus. II. Thomas, b. 1783. III. Nathan, b. 
1785, d. at B. IV. Katharine, b. 1787, m. William Dick. V. 
Elizabeth, b. 1790, m. John Hammer. 

Thomas Crosley (i George) received lot 76 in 1804, and married 
Philena, daughter of Solomon Adams and Olive Occom, and 
widow of James Waucus. He was town clerk from 1809 to 181 2. 
He also held lots 96 and 97. Chn.: I. William. II. Sophronia, m. 


Doxstater. III. Lucenette (Lureanett), b. 1807, m. Alonzo D. Dick. 
Lurea Uick of Manchester, Wis., certified in 1844 ihat her mother 
was Dimiss Kuish, a granddaughter of Philip Kuisli. If so, Thomas 
Crosley married a second wife. 

William Crosley (2 Thomas, ^ George), born about 1805, with his 
sister Sophronia, inherited his father's lot in 1828, removed to Wis- 
consni in 1836 and there died in 1866. He married (i) Hannah, 
dau. of William Dick, ist, (2) Aurilla, dau. of Tnomas Dick, (3) 
Eunice Charles Toucee, dau. of Josiah Charles and widow of David 
Toucee, who died in 1880, ae. 66. Chn. : I. John, m. Paimelia, 
dau. of Hezekiah Fowler. II Caroline, m. Daniel Jakewa\s. III. 
Grace Ann, m. Albert D. Cottrell. IV. Serepta, m. Elias Dick. 

CujEP, Chuchip, — probably of the Pequot tribe, Groton, Conn. In 
1795 Prudence CujVp, widow, aged 39, received lot 104 at Brother- 
town. She had a son Henry, aged 12. Probably her husband emi- 
grated with her and died before 1795. She married 2d, Gideon 
Harry, and died at Brothertown, where her gravestone has the epi- 
taph — " In memory of Prude Harry, Daughter of Sampson and 
Eunice Pouquenup, Feb. 24, 1828." Hannah Cujep, who married 
Thomas Brushel, may have been the widow of Henry. 


— Tunxis tribe, Farmington, Conn. This was a prominent Indian 
family of the original Tunxis stock. Andrew Correcompt owned 
several tracts of land at Farmington. He served during the French 
wars in Capt. Aaron Hitchcock's company in 1756, in Col. Nathan 
Whiting's company in 1760, and in Capt. Samuel Dimock's company, 
N. Y. troops, in 1762. 

Andrew Curricomb (^ Andrew), born in 1747, was prominent in the 
emigration plans, and an early settler at Brothertown. After the 
Revolution, in which he is said to have served while at West Stock- 
bridge, Mass., he returned to Oneida with his family. He settled on 
lots 120 and 121, which were divided among his heirs in 18 18. His 
wife's name was Abigail. Chn. : I. Elizabeth, b. 1768, m. Benjamin 
Toucee. II. Anne, b. 1770, m. James Wiggins. III. Abigail, b. 
1778. IV. Eliakim, b. 1780. V. Thomas (?). b. July 14, 1786. 
VI. Jesse, b. 1791. VII. Moses, b. 1794, d. about 1815. Eliza- 
beth and Anne were probably children by a first wife. Eliakim mar- 
ried Martha Onion and received lots 57 and 58 in 1804. He re- 
moved about 1828. 

Jesse Curricomb in 181 8 inherited lots 120 and 121, with his 
brother Eliakim, David Toucee and the heirs of Anne Wiggins, and 
he had lot 142 assigned to him in 1824. His wife's name was Phebe, 
who died before 1834, when her husband and son John removed to 
Wisconsin. The son was drowned in Fox River. 


CusK, AsKUSK, AcKUST, — Tunxis tribe, Farmington. Conn. " disk, 
Indian/' dt-eded to his son James Cusk a house and land at Indian 
Neck, Faimin<j;ton, in 1761, where the son afterwards livtd. He was 
interested in the emigration in 1775, bin never removed permanently. 
For a time his home was at Saratoga, N. Y. 

Davies. Henry Davies, of a tribe unknown, was an early settler 
at Brothertown, and lived on lot 6, which after his death in 1794 
was given to his widow Sarah, who married a second husband, John 

Deshon. Felix Deshon, of the Pequot tribe, at Mushantuxet, was 
prominent in tribal aflfairs in 1774, but he did not remove to Brother- 
town until 1804, when he received a part of lot 113, where he lived 
until his death, about 1816. 

Dick, — Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. This family was 
neither large nor prominent in the mother tribe to which tradition 
unanimously assigns it. Tribal lists give only the name of " Widow 
Mary Dick," and the connection shows that she had children attend- 
ing Edward Deake's school. We conjecture that William and Isaac 
Dick, afterw^ards of Brothertown, were her sons. The relationship of 
Paul and Thomas Dick to these brothers is undetermined. *^They 
may have been also sons of Mary Dick, or elder sons of Isaac. One 
fact, however, is perplexing. Lots were assigned in 1799 to Isaac 
and Paul Richards, which are put down in 1804 to Isaac and Paul 
Dick. The name Richards is not found among the tribe. We sup- 
pose that the superintendents at first thought that the name "Dick" 
was a nickname. 

William Dick was born in Charlestown about 1755, married Han- 
nah Potter, probably a daughter of Daniel and Mary Potter, removed 
to Brothertown about 1799, and was from the first a prominent man 
there. He settled on lot [35, assigned to him in 1804, arid died 
about 18T4. Chn. : I. William. II. Elkanah. III. Laton. IV. 
Lothrop, m. Emeline Adams. He had lot 124, went to Wisconsin 
in 1836, and was drowned in Fox River. V. Patience, m. James Fow- 
ler, and as a widow removed to Wis. with her children in 1834. VI. 
Lucena, m. George Sampson. VII. Elizabeth, m. Rhodolphus 
Fowler. VIII. Abigail, m. David Johnson. IX. Grace. X. Han- 
nah, m. William Crosley. XI. Thankful, m. Skeesuck. The widow, 
Hannah Dick, with her daughters, Abigail and Thankful, went to 
Wis. in 1834. 

William Dick (i William) was born at Charlestown, R. I., Feb. 16, 
1786, and died at Brothertown, Wis., Feb. 28, 1869. He married, 
Dec. 6, 1806, Catharine, daughter of George Crosley, who was born 
Jan. 3, 1787, and died at Brothertown, Wis., Sept. 7, 1866. He 


lived on lot 131, was town clerk for five years and a peacemaker 
from 1822 to 1 83 1. The success of the emigration to Wisconsin 
was largffly due to him and his brother Elkanah. He removed with 
his family in 1831. Chn. : I. William H. II. Nathan Crosley. III. 
Laura. IV. Jemima, m. Jeremiah W. Johnson. V. Sarah, m. Skee- 
suck. VI. Barbara, m. Rowland Johnson. VII. Delila, m. Benja- 
min Brushel. Vlll. Desdamona, m. Alexander Fowler. IX. Dorcas. 

William H. Dick (2 William, 1 William), married Juliett Peters, was 
a prominent man in Brothertown, Wis., and at one time treasurer of 
the county. In 185 1 and 1871 he was a member of the Wisconsin 
legislature, and discharged his duties with credit to his nation and 
himself. Ch. : Hannah A. Dick. 

Nathan Crosley Dick ( 2 VVilliam, 1 William) born at Brothertown, 
N. Y., Feb. 8, 1820, married Eunice, daughter of Emanuel Johnson. 
He died at Brothertown, Wis., in 1884, and she in 1885. He was a 
worthy citizen and influential in the county. Chn. : I. Orlando D., 
m. Almira J., dau. of Clark D. Sampson, served during the Civil War 
in Co. A, 2d Wis. Cav., and in Co. K, 17th Wis. Vols., and died 
Aug. 9, 1881, ae. 42. II. Franklin M., was in Co. D, 35th Wis. 
Vols., and died at Vicksburg, July 22, 1864. 111. Edgar Morris. 
IV. Asa D., was in Co. K, 4th Wis. Cav., and died at Cairo in 
March, 1864. V. Minerva N. VI. Grace. 

E^^ar Morris Dick ( 3 Nathan Crosley, 2 William, 1 William) was 
born at Brothertown, Wis., Oct. 28, 1843. He received a common 
school education, but further plans were interrupted by the war. He 
enlisted in Co. F, 21st Wis. Vols., and was wounded at Perry ville. 
Formerly he was a farmer, but is now conducting a mercantile and 
barber business at Brothertown, where he is respected for his integ- 
rity and consistent life. He has identified himself with the Prohibi- 
tion party, in which he thoroughly believes, and was their nominee 
for Congress in that district in 1890. The Brothertown Indians have 
chosen him one of their Headmen. He married Abba Loretta, daugh- 
ter of Osamus D. Fowler, who was born Sept. 29, 1843, "^^^ dxt^ 
Dec. 12, 1896. 

Elkanah Dick (i William), born at Charlestown in 1789, settled at 
Brothertown, N. Y., on lot 31, held several offices in the town, and 
removed to Wisconsin in 1831. He married (i) Sarah Ann, dau. 
of Benjamin Toucee, by whom he had seven children. (2) Eliza 
Skeesuck. His first wife died in New York, and he in Wisconsin, in 
1870. Chn.: I. Elias Jacob, m. Serepta Crosley, by whom he had 
(i) Jason, (2) Hannah. II. Benjamin, enlisted in Co. G, 36th Wis. 
Vols., and died at Andersonville, Aug. 25, 1864. Ill David. 
IV. Hubbard, was in Co. A, 17th Wis. Vols., and died at Lake Prov- 
idence, La., April 3, 1863. V. Susan. VI. Elizabeth, m. Laton 
Fowler, and was drowned in 1875. VII. Laton. 



David Dick (2Elkanah, i William) was born at Brothertown, 
N. Y., Oct. 24, 1824, and married Elizabeth, daughter of Joseph 
Fowler, who died Aug. 15, 1863, ^g^^l 35. He served in the war in 
Co. H, 5th Wis. Vols. Chn. : I. Theodore, who is one of the Head- 
men, n. Duane. III. Keyes. IV. Jenette, d. young. 

Laton Dick ( 1 William) was born July 14, 1797, and died at Broth- 
ertown, Wis., July 31, 1880. He married Abigail, daughter of 
James Fowler, and lived on lot 78, assigned to him in 1828. He was 
a peacemaker in 1837, but later removed to Wisconsin with his 
family. Chn. : I. Thomas. II. Emma. III. Frances. 

Isaac Dick was a brother of William Dick, and came to Brother- 
town, N. Y., about 1799, settling on lot 37, which was assigned to 
him in 1804. His wife was Cynthia Brown, and he then had a 
family of adult children. He died about 1812, and his lot was sold 
in 1835 for his children, Asa, Martha, Isaac, Hannah and Betsey, 
reserving three rods square for the burial lot. Some think Paul Dick 
was also a son. Chn.: I. Jacob, b. 1787, received lot 60 in 1812, 
and died before 1825. II. Asa. III. John, received lot 92 and 
died before 1818. IV. Martha, m. John Coyhis. V. Isaac. 
VI. Hannah, m. James Kindness. VII. Elizabeth, m. Ira Hammar. 

Asa Dick ( 1 Isaac) came to Brothertown, N. Y*., with or shortly 
after his father, from Sandy Creek, near Lake George, and lot 36 was 
set apart for him in 1804. The present village of Dickvill^ was 
named after him, and there he died Sept. 13, 1843, ^ged 47y,3'", 21^. 
He was the most prominent man in the town in his day, and attained 
honors among Indians and whites, being known as " Esquire Dick." 
In 1820 he was chosen peacemaker, ajid was the last to fill that 
office. Pomroy Jones says, " He was a man of enterprise, lived in a 
good style, had a good two-story dwelling, painted white, but in the 
latter part of his life he extended his business beyond his means, and 
after his death his estate was found to be insolvent.*" His house is 
still standing and is occupied by Mr. Edward Peck. He bought the 
lots of many Indians who wished to emigrate to Wisconsin, and 
would probal»ly have realized his expectations had he lived. His wife 
was Nancy, daughter of Daniel Skeesuck. Chn. : I. Harriett, m. 
Alexander Fowler. II. Amanda. III. Isaac. IV. Aurilla. V. 
Margaret. VI. Orrin. Several children also died young. 

Isaac Dick (i Isaac), born in 1804. married Hannah, daughter of 
Jacob Fowler, held several town offices, and removed to Wisconsin 
about 1843. where he died April 10, 181^4. Chn : I. Laton, d. in 
Wis. II. Harriet E., d young. HI. El'en, m. Oscar Johnson. 

Paul Dick came to Brothertown, N. Y., from Charlestown, and 
received lot 129 in 1799, as Paul Richards, and subsequently lot 94. 
His wife was Hannah, daughter of David Fowler, who died at Broth- 
ertown. He removed to White River, Ind., and died there. Chn. : 



I. John. II. Alonzo D. III. Alexander. IV. Adeline, m. Abra- 
ham Skeesuck. V. Sophia, m. Peter Cooper, an Oneida Indian. 
VI. Eunice, m. James Wauby. 

John Dick ( i Paul) married Hannah Hammar, who died at Brother- 
town, N. Y. He owned part of lot 66, sold in 1841, was a peace- 
maker in 1832, and served until the tribe had nearly all emigrated, 
when he followed them. He was an exhorter and w^as called "Elder 
Dick.^' Ch. : John W., d. 1846, ae. 7. 

Alonzo David Dick (iPaul) was born at Brothertown, N. Y., and 
died at Chilton, Wis. He emigrated in 1834, and became an 
honored citizen. His wife, Lureanett, daughter of Thomas Crosley, 
died Sept. 12, 1854, in her 46th year. Chn. : I. Jane, m. Osamus 
D. Fowler. II. Harriet, d. 1849, ae. 13. III. Cornelia. IV. Almira. 

Alexander Dick (iPauI) married Samantha, daughter of John 
Seketer, received lot 81 in 1827, removed to Wisconsin in 1832, and 
to Kansas in 1852, where they died. Chn. : I. John P. II. Har- 
riett, m. Joseph Scanandoa, an Oneida Indian. III. Lucius C, was 

in Co. K, 4th Wis. Cav. He married Sarah , who died Jan. 13, 

1868, aged 23. IV. Charles W., was in Co. K, 4th Wis. Cav. V. 
Jacob, was in Co. A, 2d Kan. Vols. 

Thomas Dick was born in Charlestown, R. I., and removed to 
Brothertown, N. Y., before 1802, settHng on lot 27, which was as- 
signed to him in 1804. As an elder of the Baptist persuasion he 
conducted services therefor many years, was a peacemaker from 1808 
to 1 8 13, and held other town offices. In 1834 he removed to Wis- 
consin, being then about 80 years of age, where he and his wife 
Debora died. Chn. : I. Daniel. II. Thomas. Perhaps there were 

Daniel Dick (^ Thomas) married Jerusha, daughter of Joseph 
Wauby; lived on lot 74, assigned to him in 181 7, being then aged 
21 ; held several town offices, and removed to Wisconsin in 1832, 
where he and his wife died. Chn. : I. Zephaniah. II. John W., 
was in Co. G. 36th Wis. Vols., and died after his return home. 

Thomas Dick (^ Thomas) married Cynthia, daughter of Joseph 
Wauby; lived on lot 63 at Brothertown, and removed to Wisconsin 
in 1832, where he was killed'by the Menomenee Indians. His widow 
died Nov. 24, 1871. ae. 'j},. Chn, : I. Aurilla, m. William Crosley. 

II. Margaritta. III. Jacob. 

Fowler, — Montauk tribe, Montauk, L. I. James Fowler, the ear- 
liest of the name known to us, was born at Montauk about 1700, 

married Elizabeth , born in 1707, and in 1761 had a family of 

six children. Of these, Mary married Rev. Samson Occom, and 
Phoebe married Ephraim Pharaoh. David and Jacob Fowler were 
sons, and another is believed to have remained at Montauk. The 


father died about 1774, and his widow removed to Brothertown, 
where she was living with her son David in 1795, at the age of 87. 

David Fowler ( ijames), born in 1735, was one of the founders of 
Brothertown, N. Y., where he settled in 1775. The details of his 
life are narrated in this volume and need not be repeated here. He 
settled on what was afterwards lot 105, which with lot 119, was as- 
signed to him in 1795. He was the most conspicuous figure in town 
affairs, a trustee in 1785, and senior peacemaker from 1796 to 1807. 
He amassed some property, lived well and was universally respected 
until his death, March 31, 1807, at the age of 72. His wife, Hannah 
Garret, whom he married in 1766, died in August, 181 1, aged 64. 
Chn. : I. David. H. Hannah, b. 1768, m. Paul Dick. HI. Eliza- 
beth, b. 1770, m. (i) Obadiah Scippio. (2) George Crosley. IV. 
Benjamin Garret, b. 1774. V. Lurheana (Rhenea), b. 1776. VI. 
Mary. b. 1781, m. Samuel Adams. VII. James, b. 1784. VIII. 
Jacob, b. 1788. IX. Rhodolphus, b. 1791. 

David Fowler (2 David, 1 James), born in June, 1767, in Kirkland's 
cabin, married Phebe Kiness about I79i,and was given lot 16 in 
1795, which, in 1824, was leased for ten years to Thomas Dean, and 
sold to him in 1826, after David Fowler's death. He served as town 
clerk several years, and was conspicuous in religious matters. His 
widow removed to Wisconsin, where she died March 13, 1863, aged 
89. Chn.: I. Martha, b. 1793, m. Emanuel Johnson. II. James, 
b. March 11, 1795. III. Theophilus, d. at Brothertown, N. Y. See 
Jones' Annals of Oneida County, p. 96. IV. Pually, m. Timothy 
Jordan, a Stockbridge Indian. V. Tryphena, m. Dick. 

James Fowler (3L3avid, •■^ David, 1 James), married Sarah, daughter 
of John Mason Simons; lived on lot 103, assigned to him in 1817; 
inherited part of lot 1 1 1 from Emanuel Simons in 1828, and was killed 
in a quarrel at Utica, about 1832. His widow emigrated with her 
family to Wisconsin. Chn.: I. Henry, drowned in Fox River. II. 
Phebe J., b. 1819, m. L. S. Fowler. III. Erastus, drowned in Fox 

Benjamin Garret Fowler (sDavid, ijames) married (i) Temperance 
Pharaoh, who died at Brothertown, N. Y. (2) Elizabeth Skeesuck, 
widow of Arnold Skeesuck. He lived on lot 62, assigned to him in 
1795, which was sold in 1836. He was marshal of the town for sev- 
eral years, and a peacemaker from 1808 to 181 r. In religious aifairs 
he was a leader, and ministered as an elder of the Freewill Baptist 
order. He removed to Wisconsin with his family, and died Dec. 12, 
1848. aged 74. His gravestone bears the tribute: " He spoke the 
languaire of his Master, ' little children, love one another.'" Chn. : 
I. Benj imin Garret. II. Joseph, who married and had a daughter, 
Elizabeth, the wife of David Dick. III. Lura, m. Nelson Paul. 

James Fowler (2 David, ^ James) married Patience Dick, and lived 


on lot loo, assigned to him in 1804. He was a peacemaker in 1812, 
and for several years thereafter. About 1830 he died suddenly while 
at work in his field, and his widow moved with her family to Wiscon- 
sin in 1834. Chn. : I. Abigail, m. Laton Dick. II. David, b. Feb. 
8, 1813. III. William. IV. Russell, burned to death. V. John 
Collins, b. Sept. 19, 1817. VI. Simeon Adams, b. May 27, 1819, 
d. at Brothertown, Wis., Nov. 20, 1880. VII. Smith, d. in Iowa. 
VIII. Laton, m. Elizabeth, dau. of Elkanah Dick, who died Sept. 
15, 1873, ae. 51. IX. Patience, lost in the woods when 12 years 
old. X. Roxanna, died April 30, 1891, ae. 66. 

David Fowler (3 James, ^ David, 1 James) married Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of James Simons, who was born Feb. 2, 18 19, and died Sept. 8, 
1885. He was a prominent man in town and tribal affairs, and died 
in honor at Brothertown, Wis., Feb. 10, 1890. Chn.: I. Harriet 
Adelaide, b. May 9, 1844, m. Jan. 24, 1864, to John Niles, and has 
children, (i) Frederick T., (2) Frances S., (3) Herbert T., (4) Wal- 
ter E., (5) Hermon A. II. Victorine, d. March 8, 1861, ae. 19. 

III. Patience, b. Dec. 25, 1846, m. John W. Dick, and d. in 1885. 

IV. Lathrop. V. Theodore M., d. March 21, 1852. VI. Elizabeth 
A., b. 1850, d. 1889. 

Lathrop Fowler (* David, ^ James, -David, 1 James) was born at 
Brothertown, Wis., Feb. 29, 1848, and attended the common schools 
until at the age of 18 years he went to the business college at Fond 
du Lac. He is a carpenter by trade, which he follows in addition to 
farming. In 1866 he became a member of the I. O. G. T., and has 
been honored by important offices in district and grand lodges. He 
is an ardent and consistent prohibitionist, a patriotic citizen, and a 
friend of all means for the civilization of the Indians. He is one of 
the Headmen of the Brothertown tribe. 

William Fowler (^James, '^ David, ijames) v.'as born about 1815, 
and married Mary Brushel. He lived at 13rothertown, Wis., until 
he enlisted in Co. E, 21st Wis. Vols. He was killed at Perry ville, 
Oct. 8, 1862. Chn.: 1. James D., b. 1840, was a soldier in the 
• 38th Wis. Vols. II. Emeline, m. William Welch, and d Jan. i, 
1865, ^.22. III. Ella, d. 1865. IV. Melvina, m.Rufus Skeesuck, 
and d. in 1892. V. Lisetta, m. Miles M. Johnson, and d. in 1876. 

John Collins Fowler (sjames, 2 David, 1 James) was born at Broth- 
ertown, N. Y., Sept. 19. 1817, and removed to Wisconsin in 1834, 
where he has since lived on his farm to an honored old age. He 
married Phebe, daughter of James Niles. who died several years since. 

Jacob Fowler (-David, 1 James) married Amy, daughter of Samp- 
son Potter; lived on lot 141 , 'assigned to him in 181 5. and was for 
years a tithingman and marshal in the town. He went to Wiscon- 
sin, but returned later, and died in his old home. His wife died at 
Brothertown, Wis., Feb. 10, 1862, ae. 69. Chn.: I. Alexander, 


II. Hezekiah. III. Lucius Syrenius. IV. Hannah, m. Isaac Dick. 
V. Lorenzo David. VL Alzina. 

Alexander Fowler (sjacob, 2 David, 1 James) married (i) Harriet, 
daughter of Asa Dick, who' died at Brothertown, N. Y., Aug. 22, 
1845, 36. 23, (2) Desdemona, daughter of William Dick. He was 
the last town clerk, and finally removed to Wisconsin. Chn. : I. 
George L., d. in 1845, ae. 4. II. Amy L., d. Dec. 7, 1870, ae. 20. 

Hezekiah Fowler (s Jacob, sDavid, 1 James) married Fanny F. 
Skeesuck, and removed to Wisconsin, where she died Aug. 17, 1857, 
ae. 45". He held part of lot 11, in Brothertown, which was sold in 
1834. Chn. : I. Parmelia, m. John Crosley. II. Irene. III. Ada- 
line, d. Feb. 18, 1845. IV. Adah, d. Feb. 11, 1845. V. Israel, 
was in Co. A, 3d Wis. Vols., and died at Chancellorsville, May 3, 

Lucius Syrenius Fowler (^ Jacob, 2 David, 1 James) was born at 
Brothertown, N. Y., May 10, 1819, and died at Brothertown, Wis., 
Feb. 23, 1886. He married Fhebe J. Fowler, who died Feb. 4, 1885. 
They went to Wisconsin in 1834. Chn. : I. Almanza E., d. Dec. 
24, 1868, ae. 26. II. Frances A., d. Sept. 4, 1859. III. Luren- 
ette, d. Jan. 15, 1862. 

Lorenzo David Fowler (3 Jacob, 2 David, ^ James) married Mary V., 
daughter of Emanuel Johnson. Chn. : I. Rhodolphus, d. in 1850, 
ae. 15. II. Theophilus, d. in 1852, ae. 17. III. Cordelia, m. Sol- 
omon Niles. 

Rhodolphus Fowler (2 David, 1 James) married Elizabeth, daughter 
of William Dick; lived on lot 113 in 1817; was town clerk and 
peacemaker, and removed to Wisconsin in 1836, where he was 
drowned in Fox River. Chn. : I. Lura, m. Simeon Hart. II. 
Osamus David, b. 18 16. III. Lewis. IV. Almira, m. Rowland 
Johnson. V. Lyman Palmer. VI. Orrin Gridley. VII. Wealthy, 
m. Orrin G. Johnson. 

Osamus David Fowler (3 Rhodolphus, 2 David, 1 James) married (i) 
Rosetta, dau. of Eliphalet Matthews, who died July 29, 1854, ae. 35, 
(2) Jane, dau. of Alonzo D. Dick, who died April 5, 186 1, ae. 28. 
He was a prominent man in Brothertown, Wis.* and died Aug. 4, 1874, 
ae. 58. Chn.: I. Abba Loretta. II. Ellen A., d. June 30, 1845. 

III. Lewis F., d. March ir, 1849. IV. James L., d. Nov. 8, 1855. 
V. James Lawrence, by the second wife. 

Lyman Palmer Fowler (^ Rhodolphus, 2 David, 1 James) married 
Aurilla, daughter of Asa Dick. He served as a soldier in the Civil 
War, and died at Brothertown, Wis. Chn. : I. Oscar. II. Emelia 
A., d. March 18, 1851. 

Orrin Gridley Fowler (^ Rhodolphus, 2 David, 1 James) married 
Ruth Skeesuck, who died at Brothertown, Wis., Aug. 15, 1870, aged 
40. He was in Co. K, 4th W^is. Cav., and died at Ship Island, 


Miss., May 13, 1862, ae. 49. Chn. : I. Emma E., d. 1867, ae. 17. 
II. Wealthy J., d. 1864, ae. 13. 

Jacob Fowler (i James) was born in 1750, and married Esther 
Poquiantup, who survived his death at "lirothertown, N. Y., but re- 
moved or died before 1795. He was the first town clerk, chosen in 
1785, but his records, if he Icept any, are lost. They had an only 
child, who died in 1772, at Mushantuxet, and perhaps others later. 
The further details of his life are given elsewhere. 

Hammar, Hammer, — Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. James 
Hammer and Margery, his wife, were living at Charlestown, in 1761, 
having two sons under sixteen years of age. One of these, it is 
thought, was John Hammar, the founder of the Brothertown family. 
The mother was called "Widow Margery Hammar," in 1763. 

John Hammar, with his family, came to Brothertown, N. Y., 
before 1804, when lot 109 was assigned to him. He was tlien 
about 50 years old. His wife's name is unknown. A lot was after- 
wards assigned for her support " while a widow.'" Chn. : I. John. 
II. Joseph, who had lot 116 in 1814. There was also a Thomas 
Hammar, who married and went to Wisconsin, having children 
Duane, Rufus, Lucinda, Louisa, Lowana, Eveline and Carrie; but 
his relationship is unknown. 

John Hammar (ijohn) was born about 1780, married Elizabeth 
Crosley, and died about 1823. His widow was living in 1843. 
Chn. : I. John Crosley. II. Ira. III. Samuel. IV. Louisa, m. 
David Wiggins. V. Rue, m. Hodge. 

John Crosley Hammar (^John, ijohn) married Esther, daughter of 
William Johnson. Chn. : I. Alexander, was in Co, A, 2d Wis. Cav. 
II. Irene. III. Lucretia. IV. John Emery, b. Sept. 8, 1851. He 
is one of the Headmen of the Brothertown Indians. V. Francis M. 

Ira Hammar (^John, ijohn) mnrried (i) Elizabeth Dick; (2) 
Elizabeth Johnson. He moved to Wisconsin in 1836. and died in 
1872. Chn.: I. Olive. II. Jams, was in the 35th Wis. Vols., and 
died after his return. IN. Wesley. IV. Amelia. V. Frnnklin. 
VI. George, was in Co. K, 4th Wis. Cav. VII. John, was in the 
38th Wis. Vols., and died after his return. 

Samuel Hammar (2jolin, ijohn) married Polly Johnson, and lived 
on lot 132 at Brothertown. Chn. : I. Louisa. II. Lorry. III. 
Henry, was in Co A, ist Wis. Vols., and died at Chaplin Hills, Oct. 
15, 1862. 

Harry. — Nnrragansett tribe, Charlestown. R. I. This was a 
numerous family in New England. Christopher, or "Kit" Harry 
had several sons in 1761 , one of whom was Christopher, born in 
1747. This son was a soldier in the Revolution, moved to Brother- 


town before 1795, and received lot 27. He soon returned to Charles- 
town, became a councilor of the tril;e, and died there. He was an 
early friend of Christian education among his people. His wife's 
name was Clowe, and they had a son Augustus, who also became a 
councilor. Gideon Harry, pt-rhaps the }outh, who, with his parents 
Gideon and Judah Hany joined the Stonington church, April 18, 
1742, came to Brothertown, and in 1796 was given lot I. He mar- 
ried tiiere Prudence Poquianlup Cujcp, and had a son Gideon, who 
removed to White River. 

Hart. — Probably of the Pequot tribe, Stonington, Conn. One of 
that name was a late comer at Brothertown, and married Nancy 
Brushel. They had a son, Simeon Hart, born in 18 lO", who married 
Lura, daughter of Rhodolphus Fowler. He was town clerk from 
1832 to 1835, removed to Wisconsin in 1836, and died July 1, 1847. 
Chn. : I. Urvill Amon, m. Sarah P. Comnuick, was in Co G, 36lh 
Wis. Vols., and died after his return. H. Rolett B., d. 185 i, ae. 13. 
HI. Sarah E., d. 1838, ae. 2. 

HuTTON, — Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. Samuel Hutton, 
living at Charlestown in 1745, was doubtless the father of Amos 
Hutton, an early settler at Brothertown, living on lot 5 in 1795. 
President Dwigiit visited him in 1799, and says he had "a good 
house, well finished, and a large barn, well built." He was an 
" example of industry, economy and punctuality." In the list of 
1795 he is said to have been 38 years of age, and his wife, Elizabeth, 
53. They died at Brothertown, he about 18 10, leaving no children. 

Isaacs, — Thomas Isaacs, of a tribe unknown, aged 20, and The«- 
tura, his wife, aged 18, were given lot 24 at Brothertown, in 1795. 
He was interested in the White River emigration, and removed 
thither. The sawmill stood on his lot, which was deeded to Thomas 
Dean in 1828. 

Johnson, — Mohegan tribe, Mohegan, Conn. This family was of 
the oldest Mohegan stock. In 1723 Manahawon Johnson was living 
at Mohegan. and probably he- was the Manghaughwont who signed 
with the tribe in 1714. The name "Johnson "was taken from a 
white family. This man had three sons, and perhaps a fourth. 
Zachariah, or Zachary, became a famous councilor of the tribe, and 
died in September, 1787, at an advanced age. Joseph's story is told 
elsewhere. He had children, Joseph and Amy. Ephraim became a 
councilor of the tribe in 1742. 

Joseph Johnson (^ Joseph) born in April, 1752, married Dec. 2, 
1773, Tabitha, a daughter of Rev. Samson Occom. The details of 
his life are related in this volume. They had two sons, William, 


born Sept. 2, 1774, and Joseph, born in 1776. After their father's 
death, the sons hved at Alohegan, and shared in the distribution of 
lands in 1790. Joseph went to Brothertown : received lots 133 and 

134 in 1797; and married Sarah in 1799. They returned, 

about 1820, to Mohegan, and died there. 

John Johnson is said by his descendants to have come from 
Charlestovvn, but the name is not found in Narragansett lists. A 
" widow Johnson" was living at Mushantuxet in 1766, and her hus- 
band m ly have come from Mohegan, and lier children have moved to 
Charlestown. John Johnson married, before his emigration to 
Brotiiertown, a white woman, whence came the white blood, dis- 
tinctly visible in this family. She died about 1780, and he married an 
Indian named Eunice, who returned to New England about 1843, "^"^^ 
died there. He came to Brothertown about 1800, receiving lots 55 
and 56 in 1804. These were sold in 1828 tor the benefit of Emanuel, 
William and John Johnson, "sons of John Johnson, deceased." He 
was an intelligent. Christian Indian, prominent in town affairs, and a 
peacemiker from 18 17 to 1821. He worked at the shoemaker's trade. 
Beside the three sons he had daughters, Esther and Elizabeth. 

John Johnson (ijohn) born in 1774, married (i) Abigail Poqui- 
antup (?) ; (2) Mercy Thomas. His first wife was killed by falling 
from a cart. He settled on lot 138, assigned to him in 1804, was a 
peacemaker from 1808 to 1821, and was titled "Esquire Johnson," 
in honor of his service. In 1836 he removed to Wisconsin, where he 
died May 10, i860, aged 86. Chn. : I. Abigail, by ist wife, m. 
James Niles. II. John W. III. Henry, m. Avis Sampson. He 
was in Co. E, 21st Wis. Vols., and died at Perryville, Nov. 6, 1862. 
IV. Colen Bardit, m. Electa Scippio. V. Elizabeth, m. Ira Ham- 
mar. VI. Anna Thomas. 

John VV. Johnson (-John, ^John) was born at Brothertown, N. Y., 
Dec. 28, 1818, and died at Brothertown. Wis., Feb. 27, 1881. He 
married twice, his second wife being Rebecca Abner, the widow of 
Simeon Adams. She is living at an advanced age, and is one of the 
most intelligent of women, with a remarkable memory and knowledge 
of tribal history. Chn.: ist wife: I. Gazelle M., d. April 20, 1846. 
II. Jeremiah E., d. Nov. 28, 1851, £e. 18. III. Emanuel P., d. 
Oct. z^ , 1857, ae. 19. By 2d wife : IV. Samuel. V. Wayland L., d. 
April 4, 1870, ae. 17. VI. Rozetta C, b. Sept. i, 1857, m. Stevens, 
and d. March 10, 1878. 

William Johnson (ijohn) married Charlotte Skeesuck. and they 
removed to Wisconsin in 1832, where they died. Chn. : I. Esther, 
b. Nov. 10, 1813, m. John Crosley Hammar. II. Nancy, m. Jona- 
than Schooner. III. William, m. (i) Charlotte Wiggins (2) Mandy 
Dick. IV. Orrin G. V. Elisha. VI. Abigail, m. George Skeesuck. 
VII. Huldah. 


Orrin G. Johnson (-^ William, ijohn) married (i) Wealthy J. 
Fowler, who died Aug. 6, 1849, ae. 22; (2) Mary, daughter of 
Peter Crowell. He was a lay preacher, removed to Minnesota, and 
died there in 1880, aged 65. Amasa, Horenzo, Orsil and Male, his 
children, all died young. 

Emanuel Johnson (ijohn) married Martha, daughter of David 
Fowler, lived on lot 61, and removed to Wisconsin in 1834, where he 
soon died. Chn. : I. Eunice, m. Nathan C. Dick. II. Jeremiah W., 
m. Jemima Dick, went to Wisconsin in 1834, and died there. • They 
had sons — Ovando F. was in Co, C, 35th Wis. Vols., and died Aug. 
4, 1864; William H. was in Co. A, 2d Wis. Cav III. Rowland. 
IV. David. V. Mary V., m. L. D. Fowler. VI. Phebe. VII. 

Rowland Johnson (^Emanuel, 1 John) was born at Brothertown, 
N. Y., Feb. 22, 18 16. He married (i) Nov. 18, 1840, Almira, 
daughter of Rhodolphus Fowler, who died July 31, 1850, ae. 31 ; (2) 
Barbara, daughter of WilHam Dick. He removed to Wisconsin, was 
an honored and influential citizen, and died in 1897. Chn.: By ist 
wife: I. Oscar. II. Henry, d. young. III. Hiram, d. 1853. By 
2d wife: IV. Loren M., was in Co. A, 2d Wis. Cav., and died after 
his return. V Melville, who served in Co. K, 4th Wis. Cav., and 
resides at Brothertown, Wis. 

Oscar Johnson (^ Rowland, ^Emanuel, ^John) was born at Brother- 
town, Wis., March 28, 1842, was educated in the common school, 
and worked on the farm until 1861, when he enlisted in Co. B, 5th 
Wis. Vols. He served his country throughout the war, and was 
wounded at Sailor's Creek, April 6, 1865. He married, Dec. 22, 
1867, Ellen Jane, daughter of Isaac Dick, and has a son, Harley A. 
Johnson. He is one of the Headmen of the Brothertown Indians, 
and an honored citizen. 

David Johnson (^ Emanuel, ^ John) removed to Wisconsin in 1831, 
being one of the first settlers. He married Abigail, daughter of Wil- 
liam Dick, who died June 8, 1859, ^g^d 57. He died in 1896. 
Chn. : I. Gracy, d. young. II. Lewis, was in Co. I, 5th Wis. Vols. 

Kindness, Kiness. — Pequot tribe, Stonington, Conn. The only 
one of this name in tribal lists is John Kindness, who signed a docu- 
ment in 1788. Thomas Kindness, who may have been a son, 
removed to Brothertown about 181 5, settled on lot 78, and was 
killed shortly afterwards in a brawl by Nathan Paul. His wife's 
name was Phebe. Chn.: I. James. II. Thomas, m. Christiana Paul. 
III. Prudence. IV. Phebe, m. David Fowler! 

James Kindness (i Thomas) married Hannah Dick, who died Nov. 
30, 1861, ae. 54. He was town clerk from 1825 to 1830, and from 
i835toi84i.' Chn.: I. Laton. II. Ira. III. Isaac. There were 



others of this name at Brothertown, doubtless .descendants of 
Thomas. George Kindness was in the Civil War. Lewis Kindness 
served in Co. I, 5th Wis. Vols., and James H. Kindness in a Kansas 

Matthews, Marthers, — A John Mattliews of the Narragansett 
tribe is mentioned in our hisiory. He is thought to have removed to 
Brothertown as an early settler, and died there. Eliphalet Marthers 
was an orphan, and possibly a son of John, as he was adopted by 
Abraham Snnons, the latter's cousin, or by his widow, Sarah Adams 
Simons. In 1795 he was 13 years old, and then bore the name 
Adams which he changed to Marthers about 1804. In 1828, piirt 
of lot 126, assigned to him in 1804, was sold, for the benefit of 
" Eliphalet Adams otherwise Eliphalet Marthers an Indian." He 
became prominent in tribe and town, was a peacemaker for twenty 
years, and was called "Esquire Matthews." He married Elizabeth 
Crosley, who died at Brothertown, N. Y. ; removed to Wisconsin 
about 1839, and ^'^^ Sept. 5, 1851. Chn. : I. Rozina, m. C. D. 
Sampson. II. Lovina, m. E. C. Adams. III. Kozetta, m. O. D. 
Fowler. IV. Sarah. V. John. VI. Ransom. VII. Seth. VIII. 

John Matthews (i Eliphalet) married Adelia, daughter of George 
Sampson, removed to Wisconsin in 1836, and died Feb. 24, 1883, 
ag-d 70. Chn.: I. Eliza. II. Amanda. HI. Esther. 

Ransom Matthews (^ Eliphalet) married Maria, daughter of George 
Sampson, and died at Brothertown, Wis., June 13, 1866, in his 49th 
year. Chn.: I. Arsula, b. Sept. 14, 1844. II. Matthew, d. 1873, 
ae. 13. 

MossucK, MosucK, Maussuck, Maussauk, — Tunxis tribe, Farm- 
ington, Conn. Solomon Maussauk, born in 1723, was an early convert 
at Farmington, and he and his wife Eunice were church members. 
He owned lands there, and bought lot 51 in the "south-east divis- 
sion" in 1765. More of his story is given elsewhere in this volume. 
His son, Daniel Mossuck', was a pupil at Lebanon, was interested in 
the emigration, became a Revolutionary soldier in Capt. William 
Judd's company of the Third regiment " Connecticut Line," and died 
at Farmington. Luke Mosuck of Brothertown, N. Y., is said to have 
been his son. He was born at Farmington in 1769. removed to the 
Indian town before 1795, and received lot 61. As this was forfeited 
in 1797, he probably returned to New England, but his son Daniel 
held lot 65 in 1824, and another son, Newton, received part of lot 
116 in 1827. The latter moved to Wisconsin in 1834, and was 
frozen to death on Winnebago Lake. 


NiLES, Nyles, — Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. In 1747, 
and for years afterwards. James Niles, aged 34, a kinsman of Samuel 
Niies, the Indian preacher, was a councilor of this tribe. In 1763, he 
and his wife Jerusha had two daughters and a son, James Niles, the 
latter afterwards a pupil at Lebanon. This son was interested in the 
emigration; became a Revolutionary soldier in the Second Con- 
necticut regiment in 1780, and a Rhode Island regiment in 1781 ; 
removed to Brothertown about 1796, and received lots 41 and 42. 
These were divided among his heirs in 1829. He married Barbara 
Poquiantup, who died before him. Chn. : I. James. II. Lucy, m. 
John Seketer. III. Mary, m. Nathan Pendleton, a mulatto, and 
died, leaving two sons, Joshua and Peter, who by the tribal laws were 
denied rights in the Brothertown lands. IV. Rhoda, m. (i) Charles; 
(2) Daniel Wauby. V. Phebe, m. Joseph Wauby. 

James Niles (^ James, 1 James) married Abigail Johnson, received 
lot 93 in 1804, and removed to Wisconsin in 1834, where he died 
Sept. 7, 1863, in his 83d year. Chn. : I. Phebe, m. John Collins 
Fowler. II. Andrew, m. Fanny A., dau. of Lorenzo Fowler, and 
died Sept. 18, 1864, ae. 23. III. John, m. Harriet A., dau. of 
David Fowler. IV. Samuel, d. 1853, ae. 17. V. Solomon, m. 
Cordelia, dau. of Lorenzo Fowler, and was in the 38th Wis. Vols, 
during the Civil War. 

OccuM, — Mohegan tribe, Mohegan, Conn. We sum up the early 
history of this family given elsewhere in these pages : " Tomockham 
alias Ashneon" had three sons — "Joshua Ockham," " Tomocham 
Jun""" and "John Tomocham." The latter signed in 1738 as "son 
of the aforesaid Tomockham.''^ He probably married Elizabeth, a 
descendant of Oweneco, known as " Betty Aucum widow'' in a Nor- 
wich deed of 1745. She was a member of the Montville church. 
John Occom, head of a family about 1765, was doubtless her son. 
"Tomocham Jun'"'" probably was the "Thomas Occom'' who signed 
as such in 1749, and was a soldier in Capt. Ebenezer Leache's com- 
pany in 1755. If so, he was living in 1764, and unmarried. "Joshua 
Ockham," was a councilor of Ben Uncas in 1742, and died before 
May 17, 1743, leaving a widow Sarah, and the following children: 
I. Joshua, b. about 1716. II. Samson, b. 1723. III. Jonathan, b. 
1725. IV. Lucy, b. about 1731. Lucy married John Tantaquid- 
geon, and died in 1830 at Mohegan. She had the following children : 
I. Lucy, m. Peter Teecomwas, and had Eliphalet, Cynthia, who mar- 
ried a Hoscott, and Sarah, who married Jacob H. Fowler. II. John, 
was a Revolutionary soldier, removed to Brothertown, received lot 
139 in i8r6, and was living there in 1843. III. Jerusha. IV. David. 
V. Bartholomew. VI. Parthenia. Joshua Occom married Eunice 

-, a Pequot Indian. He was a soldier in Capt. Joshua Abell's 



company in 1755. His name is in a list of 1765, but she is called 
" Widow Eunice '■ in 1769. She died about 1809. They had the 
following children: I. Ann. II. Joshua, died before 1782. III. 
David, who was a soldier in Colonel Parsons' regiment in 1776, and 
died in the service. IV. Eunice, d. April, 1787. Jonathan Occom 
was a soldier in Capt. Ebenezer Leache's company in 1755, and in 
Capt, Zachaeus Wheeler's company in 1758. He survived the French 
wars, and in 1775 enlisted in Capt. John Durkee's company of Gen- 
eral Putnam's regiment, serving throughout the war. He returned to 
Mohegan, received 20 acres of land in the distribution of 1790, and 
was living there in 1804. In lists he is called "a single man'' and 
a " brother of Samson." 

Samsom Occom needs no further notice here. His children were 
as follows: I. Mary, b. 1752. She was living in 1769, but nothing 
is known of her afterwards. II. Aaron, b. 1753, married Ann, 
a daughter of Samuel Robin of the Wangunk tribe, and died in 
the winter of 177 1, at Mohegan, leaving a son Aaron. III. Tabitha, 
b. 1754, m. Joseph Johnson. IV. Olive, b. 1755, "''• Solomon 
Adams. V. Christiana, b. 1757, m. Anthony Paul. VI. Talitha, 
b. 1761 . We think she married a Cooper. She died at or near Farm- 
ington in May, 1785, leaving at least one child. VII. Benoni, b. 
1763, married and had one child, but in 1808 he was living at Mohe- 
gan and had no family. VIII. Theodosia (Dorothy), b. 1769, and 
was living in 1789 at Mohegan. IX. Lemuel Fowler, b. 1771, and 
was drowned at Mohegan in 1790. X. Andrew Gifford, b. 1774, 
went to Brothertown, and had a lot there which he leased April 12, 
1792. He married, and his death occurred before 1796, when 
" Widow Patience Occum " was given lot 41 . They had a son, Sam- 
som Occom, who lived at Brothertown, received part of lot 19 in 
1827, and removed, it is said, with his wife Elizabeth to White River. 
Some Indians say he joined the Stockbridge tribe, writing his name 
Yoccom, and has descendants among them. XL Sally, b. 1784. 
Occom called her his "child," but she may have been a grandchild. 
She went to Brothertown, and died there. 

OccuiSH, CuiSH, KuiSH, Ke\vish, — Niantic tribe, Niantic, Conn. 
Philip Occuish, born in 171 6, was converted in 1740, and became a 
prominent Christian Indian, He had some education and was a Bap- 
tist minister, conducting services sometimes in his own house. In 
1 76 1 he had four boys and three girls, and his widowed mother, aged 
70, lived with him. He was living at Niantic in 1784, and Occom 
wrote of him as "Old Brother Philip Cuish." His wife Sarah died 
April 16, 1787, in her 67th year. Their sons, or grandsons, Joshua 
and Abraham Occuish, removed to Brothertown, N. Y., and Philip 
Occuish had lots 100 and 103 assigned to him in 1799. As lot 103 



was afterwards given to Joshua Occuish, perhaps he was a son. He 
and his wife Elizabeth were at Brothertown in 1804. They removed 
about 18 17. Their children were: I. John, who received part of lot 
145 in 1831, and was living there in 1843, having a son John and 
probably a daughter MeHssa. II. Dimiss, who married and died be- 
fore 1 8 14, leaving a daughter Lurea, the wife of Alonzo D. Dick. 
III. Ehjah, who had part of lot 116 in 1827. IV. Anna, who mar- 
ried and had a son John. Abraham Occuish removed to Brothertown 
before 1804, received lot 131, and died before 181 3. 

Palmer, — The tribe of this family is unknown. Joseph Palmer was 
at Brothertown, N. Y., in 1818, having lot 92. He married Martha 
Waukeet, a Niantic Indian, removed to Wisconsin in 1834, and was 
murdered by a Stockbridge Indian July 3, 1836. The murderer was 
sentenced to be hanged, but escaped from the jail. In 1854 the widow 
lived at Manchester, Wis., and testified that she had two sisters, Mary 
Paul and Lucy Waukeet, living at Niantic. She married later Solomon 
Paul, and died Jan. 26, 1874, ae. 74. Chn. : I. Prudence. II. 
Lucy, m. Charles Wiggins. III. George. IV. Benjamin, was in 
Co. D, 14th Kan. Vols., and died after his return home. 

Patchauker, Peshauker, Pechorker, Pauheter, — This family 
is said to have come from Martha's Vineyard. Thomas Patchauker was 
an original settler at Brothertown, N. Y., and was chosen fence-viewer 
in 1785. He was then a widower, and died in 1795, his lot number 
14 being then assigned to his daughter Jane. Chn. : I. Jane, b. 
1760, m. Isaac Wauby. II. Thomas, enlisted in the navy, married 
and his wife Abigail lived on lot 65 till her death about 1804. She 
left a son Jeremiah, b. 1801. 

Paul, — There were families of this name at Charlestown, R. I., 
Mohegan, Conn., and Montauk, L. I. The only one which emi- 
grated to New York was of the Narragansett tribe. In the company 
of 1784 were Anthony and John Paul, with their families and widowed 
mother. We think her name was Mary, and her husband was James 
Paul, living at Charlestown in a wigwam in 1766. George Paul was 
also a son. 

Anthony Paul was born in 1758 ; married, about 1777, Christiana, 
daughter of Rev. Samson Occom ; lived for a time at Mohegan, cul- 
tivating Joseph Johnson's land; emigrated in 1784 to Brothertown, 
receiving lot 10 in 1795, formerly owned by Occom ; and returned 
eastward about 1797, locating near Lake George, where both died. 
Occom baptized his children in 1787, the first in the town. Chn.: 
I. Samson. II. Sarah, b. 1780. III. James, b. 1782. IV. Phebe, 
b. 1784, Hving at B. in 1843. V. Benoni, b. 1787. VI. Jonathan, 



b. 1 791. Probably also a daughter Christiana, who married Thomas 

Samson Paul (1 Anthony), born in 1778, married (i) Hannah, 
daughter of Samuel Brushel, (2) a white woman. Lot 136 was given 
to him in 1799, but he moved to Lake George and died there. By 
his first wife he had a son Nelson, and a daughter Ehzabeth, who 
married Ezekiel Wiggins. 

Nelson Paul (2 Samson, 1 Anthony) lived at Brothertown, N. Y., 
and married Lura, daughter of B. G. Fowler. Chn. : L Charles, was 
in 1st Wis. Vols. IL William, " Billy Paul," the last of his people 
in the old town. III. Rhodolphus. IV. David Occom, who with 
his brother Rodolphus was in a New York regiment during the Civil 
War. V. Hannah. 

John Paul, a Revolutionary soldier in Durkee's regiment, emigrated 
in 1784, and died in the winter of 1794. He located on lot 4, which 
was assigned to his widow Penelope in 1795. She died in 181 1. 
Chn.: I. Anne, b. 1785. II. Nathan, b. 1788, m. Sarah, dau. of 
Daniel Skeesuck ; lived on lot 136, assigned to him in 18 12; was 
imprisoned three years for killing Thomas Kindness ; and removed to 
Wisconsin in 1832, where he died. III. Mary, b. 1790. IV. John, 
b. 1792. V. Isaiah, b. 1794. 

George Paul was born in 1772 ; probably removed to Brothertown 

in 1784, and received lot 23, in 1795. He married Lucy , and 

they both died before 1828, when Solomon, Moses and Bathsheba 
were heirs. Chn. : I. Amy, b. 1794. II. Solomon, b. 1796, re- 
moved to Wisconsin in 1836. He m. (i) Hannah, dau. of Samuel 
Adams, who d. May 11, 1843, ^. 35; (2) Martha Waukeet, widow 
of Joseph Palmer, who d. 1874. Ch.: George. III. Moses, m. 
Rachael Scippio. IV. Bathsheba, m. George Scippio. 

Peters, Peter, — Montauk tribe, Montauk, L. I. In 1761 John Peter 
and his son John were living at Montauk, the latter having four chil- 
dren. The son was interested in the emigration, and was probably 
the husband of Elizabeth Peters, born in 1737, who was a widow in 
1795, and received lot 106. She had children then at Brothertown, 
as follows: I. George, b. 1761. II. Oliver, b. 1765. III. Rhoda. 
IV. Frederick, possibly also William. 

George Peters was an early settler at Brothertown, N. Y., and 
married Eunice, daughter of Elijah Wampy. He settled on lot 118, 
which he received with lot 125, in 1795. He had an evil temper and 
was intemperate. At Rome, N. Y., Feb. 24, 1800, he killed his 
wife, for which crime he was hanged, Aug. 28, 1801. See Jones' 
Aniials of Oneida County, p. 43. Chn.: I. John, b. 1787, and liv- 
ing at B. in 181 1. II. Jerusha, b. 1790, m. Josiah Charles. III. 
Elisha, b. 1792. 


Ofiver Peters received lot 29 in 1795. His wife's name was Anne. 
Chn. : I. Nathan, b. 1791, living at B. in 1814, and may have been 
the father of Amos, whose sons, Melancthon, William and Martin, 
are named in 1843. Melancthon was in the ist Wis. Vols., and 
William was in Co. E, 21st Wis. Vols., and was killed at Dallas, Ga., 
June 29, 1864. II. Jeremiah, b. 1795. HI- Aurilla, m. John Bald- 
win, had lot 3 in 1825, and inherited part of 106 in 1828 from her 
grandmother, Elizabeth. 

William Peters and his wife, Bridget, lived on lot 148, assigned to 
them in 1804. He died about 1828, and the lot was given to his 
widow, to revert at her death. 

Pharaoh, — Montauk tribe, Montauk. L. I. Indians of this name 
were living at Montauk in the seventeenth century, and several fami- 
lies are named in 1761. Ephraim Pharaoh married Phebe Fowler, 
both born in 1747, and was an early settler at Brothertown, N. Y., 
living on lot 17. He also received in 1795 lot 132, for the support 
of his daughter, Priscilla Hannable, a widow. He died before 1825, 
when his lot went to his widow. Chn.: I. Priscilla, b. 1772, d. 
about 181 ^. II. Temperance, m. B. G. Fowler. III. Phebe, b. 

Benjamin Pharaoh was a brother of Ephraim, and was born m 
1762. He also was an early settler and, with his wife, Damaris, lived 
on lot 124. Chn.: I. Nancy, b. 1788. II. Benjamin, b. 1790. 
III. Ephraim, b. 1794. 


quot tribe, Groton, Conn., or Niantic tribe, Niantic, Conn. This was 
a prominent family of Christian Indians, and seems to have had one 
branch at Groton and another at Niantic. Occom names Joseph and 
Isaac at the latter place, and Isaac was his cousin. He had an aunt, 
" Hannah Justice," there, who may have been Isaac's mother. His 
language also indicates that he was related to the family at Groton. 
Hannah Poquiantup, Wheelock's pupil, was from Niantic. In 1766 
Samson and Esther Poquiantup, with a family, were living at Groton, 
Esther being of the Mohegan tribe. She became a widow before 
1787, and removed to Brothertown, N. Y. Her epitaph in the Deans- 
ville cemetery reads: "In Memory of Esther Pouquenup, who was a 
member of the Mohegan Tribe of Indians. Died Jan. 22, 1822, a 
practical and exemplary Christian, Aged 96 years & 3 months." 
One daughter, Esther, married Jacob Fowler. There was also a 
daughter Eunice. The epitaph of Prude Harry, in the Deansville 
cemetery, says she was the " daughter of Sampson and Eunice Pou- 
quenup," a statement which we cannot reconcile with the above facts 
unless there was a son Samson. Aaron Poquiantup, a single man, 



with whom his mother's family were living, received lot 130 at Broth- 
ertown, in 1795. His epitaph at Dickville says he was "a member 
of the Nahantic tribe of Indians, R. I.'' He was town treasurer, 1808 
to 1810, and his lot was sold for his benefit in 1832, He died Dec. 
2, 1835, ^G- 5^' ^i^d his wife Lovinia died Aug. 14, 1835, ^^- 45- 
Solomon Poquiantup, probably his brother, received lot 137 in 1804. 

Potter, — Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. Sampson Potter 
emigrated to Brothertown about 1804, and received- lot 147 in 18 13. 
He was probably a son of Daniel and Mary Potter, of Charlestown, 
in 1783. Amy Potter, who married Jacob Fowler, and Hannah Pot- 
ter, who married William Dick, were probably his kindred. Samp- 
son died about 1832, when his lot was sold for the benefit of Jason, 
Katura and Sally Potter, and Rasselas Scippio, his heirs. Jason 
married Carlin Cook, and they had a son Henry in the 32d Wis. 
Vols. , who was frozen to death on Winnebago Lake. 

ROBBINS, ROBBENS, ROBiN, — Tunxis tribe, Farmington, Conn. This 
family originally came from Middletown, and belonged to the Wan- 
gunk tribe. David Robin, of Farmington, was interested in the emi- 
gration in 1773, but probably died before 1777. His wife Hannah 
owned land there at that date. She removed to Brothertown, N. Y., 
with her daughter Rhoda, and received lot 116. Rhoda died about 
1814, and her mother in 1827. 

Roberts, — In 1797 lot 102, at Brothertown, was assigned to Abi- 
gail, the wife of Thomas Roberts. It was forfeited later, and lot loi 
was given her in 1821, part of which was sold in 1833 for Abigail 
Roberts, and the balance in 1842 for Abigail Fowler, probably a 
daughter. Both are named in the list of 1843. 

Sampson, — Pequot tribe, Groton, Conn. In 1762 " Sampson, a 
likely Indian," aged 33, was living in a house at Mushantuxet. He 
had eight children, one of whom was James. He died before 1787, 
when his wife is called "Widow Sampson.'' She was an earnest 
Christian Indian. James removed to 13rothertown, N. Y., with his 
wife Sarah and their children about 1797, when lot 10, formerly 
owned by Samson Occom and Anthony Paul, was assigned to him. 
He died about 1815. Chn. : I. George. II. Abel. III. Eveline. 

IV. David, who received part of lot 112 in 1828, and died in N. Y. 

V. James, d. in N. Y. Vi. Fanny. VII. John, who received part 
of lot 1 13 in 1828. 

In the census list of 1843, the following names are found which 
probably represent the families of David, James, or John Sampson — 
Moses, Catharine, George W., Emily, Rufus, Alonzo, Avery, Avis, 


and Mills W. Clark D. Sampson was also a descendant. He mar- 
ried Rozina Matthews, removed to Wisconsin, and died in 1884, aged 
65 They had sons, James J. and George, in Co. E, 2rst Wis. 
Vols., the latter dying March 6, 1865, and a daughter, Almira J., 
the wife of O. D. Dick. 

George Sampson (1 James) married Lucena, daughter of William 
Dick ; received part of lot 112 in 181 7 ; was a peacemaker from 1821 
to 1824, and died at Brothertown, N. Y., in 1839. His lot was then 
disposed of for his daughters. Chn. : I. Delia (Adelia) m. John 
Matthews. II. Maria, m. Ransom Matthews. III. Jane, m. John 
Foss, a white man. IV. Sophia, m. John Coyhis. 

Abel Sampson (i James) married Esther, daughter of John M. 
Simons; received lot 115 in 18 19; and died at Brothertown about 
1830. His widow removed to Wisconsin in 1844. Chn.: I. James. 
II. Melinda (Malvina). III. WeltheaA. IV. Grizel H. V. Ralph 
W. VI. EHza E. 

SCIPPIO, — This family came from Montauk, but the name is not 
found in early lists of that tribe. Two brothers, Samuel and Obadiah, 
were among the first settlers at Brothertown, N. Y. 

Samuel Scippio, born in 1764, and his wife Charlotte, born in 1767, 
with five children, were living on lot 21 in 1795. He was a peace- 
maker from 1796 to 1807, and from 18 12 to 1820. He died shortly 
after the latter date. His widow, " Loty Scippio," was living in 
1843. Chn.: I. Sarah, b. 1787, m. Anthony*. II. Isaac, b. 1789, 
received lot 50 in 18:3, which he and his wife Julia sold in 1829, re- 
moving in 1831 to Wisconsin, where they died. III. Jacob, b 1791, 
received lot 97 in 18 13, married Clarinda, daughter of Elijah Wam- 
py, who inherited from her father in 1828, and removed later to Wis- 
consin. They returned East during the time of cholera, and were 
never heard of more. IV. Esther, b. 1793. V. Abraham, b. 1795- 
VI. Richard, who received lot 64 in 1824. VII. Phebe, m. 
Denny, of the Oneida tribe. 

Obadiah Scippio was born in 1766. He married Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of David Fowler, removed to Brothertown, and settled on lot 13. 
He died about 1806. His widow afterwards married George Crosley, 
removed to Wisconsin, and died there. Chn.: I. Dennis, b. 1791, 
and living in 1816. II. George, b. May 18, 1795, married Bath- 
sheba Paul, removed to Wisconsin in 1836, and was drowned in Fox 
River. III. Celinda, m. James Simons. IV. Cynthia. V. Rachel, 
m. Moses Paul. VI. Calvin. 

Seketer, Sicketor, Secutor, Sequettass,— Narragansett tribe, 
Charlestown, R. I. This family was very influential in colonial times. 
John Secutor, a son of David Seketer, sent his daughter, Mary Sequet- 


tass, toWheelock's school in 1763, and in 1767, his son, John Secutor, 
was a pupil. The son was interested in the emigration plans, and may 
have gone to Brothertown, but he did not become a permanent 
settler. He was later a councilor of the tribe, and died at Charles- 
town. His son John and daughter Mary, however, removed to 
Brothertown, N. Y. 

John Seketer (5?John, ijohn) was at Brothertown in 1807, when he 
was chosen marshal. In 18 13 lot 32 was assigned to him, and, in 
1814, part of lot 52. He was a peacemaker from 1820 to 1822. In 
1832 he sold his estate and removed to Wisconsin. He married 
Lucy, daughter of James Niles, who died about 1830. Chn. : I. 
Samantha, m. Alexander Dick. II. Charlotta, who removed with 
her father and married John Wilber, a white man. III. Charles, 
who married Abigail, daughter of Thomas Wiott, and died in N. Y., 
leaving sons Milo C. and John D. IV. Grace, m. Samuel Skeesuck. 
V. Sarah. 

Shelley, — Pequot tribe, Stonington, Conn. Several families of this 
name were living there in 1788, from one of which Bradley and 
Simeon Shelley were descended. The former removed to Brother- 
town, N. Y., about 1830, and received lot 146. The latter was there 
earlier and received lot 68 in 1820. This was sold in 1834, and he 
afterwards removed to Brothertown, Wis., where he died June 25, 
i860, aged 59. His wife, Sabrina Welch, died Nov. 2, 1869, aged 
65. They had six sons in the Civil War: Elias, in the 3d Wis. 
Vols., Henry and Simeon in Co. E. 21st Wis. Vols., Lewis in Co. 
H. 32d Wis. Vols., David in Co. K. 19th Wis. Vols., and John in 
the "Pioneer Corps.'' 

Simons, Simon,— Narragansett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. Sarah 
Simons was one of the most faithful Christian Indians in this tribe. 
In 1767 she was a widow with a family of children, and we conjecture 
that her husband was John Simon, named in a list of 1761. She 
sent five children to Wheelock's school, as elsewhere stated, all of 
whom were interested in the emigration, though only Abraham and 
Emanuel removed to Brothertown. 

Abraham Simons, born at Charlestown about 1750, and educated 
under Doctor Wheelock. was probably one of the young men who 
went to Oneida before the Revolution. He returned when the war 
broke out, and enlisted in Capt. Prentice's company of the Sixth 
Connecticut regiment. After the war he returned early to Oneida, 
and was one of the trustees chosen in 1785. He was then married, 
but his wife died in 1786. He married again July 26, 1787, Sarah, 
daughter of John Adams. He is frequently mentioned by Occom, 
and is said to have led an exemplary life. He died at Brothertown, 


and Occom attended his funeral. Lot 12 was assigned to his widow 
in 1795, and was no doubt the early location of his pioneer hut. In 
1797 the house stood in the highway, and she was ordered to remove 
it. Her age was 43 years in 1795, and she was living in 1800. Her 
lot passed to Eliphalet Marthers, and he sold it in 1832. Abra- 
ham and Sarah Simons had a son Reuben, born in 1790, who 
practised medicine in an Indian fashion at Brothertown until about 

Emanuel Simons, born about 1746, after attending school for a 
time at Lebanon, returned to Charlestown. In 1775 he and his 
brother James enlisted in Capt. Edward Mott's company of the Sixth 
Connecticut regiment. He was then married and had a family. 
About 1800 he removed, with his children then grown, to Brother- 
town, where he died in 1806. He received lot iii in 1804, which 
was divided among his heirs in 1829. Chn. : I. John Mason. II. 
James. III. Dennis, d. unm. in Wis. IV. Cynthia, m. Joseph M. 
Ouinney of the Stockbridge tribe. 

John Mason Simons (^Emanuel) came with his father to Brother- 
town, and was chosen marshal in 1801. He received lots 107 and 
108 in 1804, and is said to have died in 1822. His estate was 
divided in 1833, doubtless after the death of his wife Lucy. Chn. : 
I. Esther, m. Abel Sampson. II. Sarah, m. James Fowler. III. 
Emeline, m. Jaques. IV. Moses, d. young. 

James Simons (^Emanuel) was born at Charlestown, R. I., March 
7, 1790, came as a youth to Brothertown and received lot 98 in 
18 12. He served as a soldier in the War of 18 12, and was by trade 
a plow-maker. He married Celinda (Sylinda) daughter of Obadiah 
Scippio, who removed to Wisconsin in 1835, whither her son James 
had preceded her. The father was killed by an accident in 1825. 
Chn.: I. Elizabeth, m. David Fowler. II. James. 

James Simons ('^James, ^Emanuel) was born at Brothertown, 
N. Y., Jan. 21, 1821, and died at Kaukauna, Wis., Jan. 25, 1898. 
He removed to Wisconsin in 1835, and during his later years lived at 
Kaukauna, where a son survives him. He was a carpenter by trade 
and also cultivated a farm. At the time of his death he was one of 
the Headmen of the Brothertown Indians, and was greatly respected 
as an intelligent and honorable citizen. 

Skeesuck, Sheesuck, Schesuck, Skeezuc, Skieezup, — Narragan- 
sett tribe, Charlestown, R. I. John Skeesuck was one of the early set- 
tlers at Brothertown, and he came from Charlestown. He was born 
in 1746, and his name occurs in a list of 1763. Probably Elizabeth 
Skeesuck, a widow with three sons in 1761, was his mother, and we 
think his father was John Skeesuck, a soldier in 1755. 

John Skeesuck was interested in the emigration plans, and was 

362 Appendix 

Johnson's companion in 1775. He was a Revolutionary soldier in 
Col. John Topham's regiment of Rhode Island troops in 1775, and 
probably saw later service. He removed to Brothertown after the 
war and located on lot 26. He was a peacemaker from 1796 to 1807, 
and probably died in office. His wife's name was Anne, born in 
1747. The following were certainly their children, and there were 
probably others older : I. Christopher, b. 1776, who received lot 22 
in 1804, was town clerk from 1804 to 1809, and died at Brother- 
town, leaving a son John, his only heir, in 1831. H. Sarah, b. 1780. 
ni. John, b. in 1782, received lot -]-] in 1804. IV. Charlotte, b. 
1790, m. William Johnson. 

John Skeesuck (sChristopher, ijohn) was born in 1782, married 
Hannah Galin, inherited lot 22 from his father and lot 26 from his 
grandmother Anne. Lot 83 also was assigned to him. They had a 
son Henry who removed to Wisconsin. 

Daniel Skeesuck came from Charlestown to Brothertown about 
1800. One of this name is in a list of 1763, and was a councilor of 
his tribe in 1774, continuing as such to 1791. We do not know 
whether he or his father was the Indian who settled in Brothertown. 
The emigrant was well advanced in life, however, and we think he 
was a brother of John Skeesuck, He received lots 43 and 48 in 
1804, and at the same time lots were assigned to Simon and Bennet 
Skeesuck, probably the sons of John or Daniel. The estate of 
Daniel Skeesuck was divided in 1828, the following heirs receiving 
shares — Samuel Skeesuck, Sen., Daniel Skeesuck, Sally, the wife 
of Nathan Paul, Nancy, the wife of Asa Dick, Eliza and Martha 
Skeesuck, and Abigail 15rushel. Eliza and Martha Skeesuck are said 
to have been daughters of Arnold Skeesuck, which indicates that 
Arnold was a son of Daniel. 

Samuel Skeesuck (iDaniel) was born at Charlestown in 1772. He 
married JMary Seketer, born in 1775, a sister of John Seketer, and 
they were at Brothertown in 1795. She died in New York, but 
he removed to Wisconsin in his old age. Chn. : I. Daniel, m. 
Sylvia Abner; received lot 80 in 1827; removed to Wisconsin and 
in 1852 to Kansas, where both died, leaving a daughter Mary. II. 
Abraham, m. Adeline, daughter of Paul Dick; received lot 70, which 
was sold for him in 1829 : and removed to Wisconsin in 1832. They 
had children, Mary, Lester and Lyman. III. Samuel, m. Grace, 
daughter of John Seketer; received lot 69 in 1821, and removed to 
Wisconsin. Their children were Solomon, called Sykes, who was in 
the Civil War and died after reaching home, Dorcas, and John who 
was in Co. H, 5th Wis. Vols., and died at Brothertown, Wis. IV. 
Fanny, m. Hezekiah Fowler. V. Lucy, m. Henry Welch. 

Arnold Skeesuck, probably the son of Daniel, received lot 49 in 
1804. which was sold in 1836, Eliza, Arnold and Abigail having 


shares. He died at Brothertown, N. Y., about 1820, and his widow 
married B. G. Fowler. Chn. : I. Arnold. II. Samuel. III. David. 
IV. Eliza. V. Martha. VI. Abigail (?). George Skeesuck, whose 
mother was Thankful Dick, is thought to have been also of this 
family. He married Abigail Johnson, and removed to Wisconsin. 
They had a son, Rufus, in Co. I, 5th Wis. Vols. 

Arnold Skeesuck (^Arnold) married Hannah Walker, a white 
woman, removed to Wisconsin, and died March i, 1877, aged 60. 
She died June 4, 1873, ^ged 60. Chn. : I. Sylvester was in Co. A, 
2d Wis. Cav. II. Madison was in Co. D, 35th Wis. Vols., and died 
at Port Hudson, May 22, 1864. 

Simon Skeesuck came to Brothertown about 1800, and settled on 
.lot 51, assigned to him in 1804. In 1824 this was given to his son, 
Daniel, on condition that he support his mother if she becomes 
chargeable. It was sold for " Daniel Skeesuck, ist," in 1835. The 
wife of Simon Skeesuck is said to have borne the name Hannah, and 
their son, Simon, was in the 3d Regiment Wis. Vols., and was 

Tocus, — Joseph Tocus is said to have come to Brothertown from 
Charlestown. He received lot 59 in 1813, and married Grace, 
daughter of George Crosley. They sold in 1834, and removed to 
Wisconsin. Later, he went to Kansas and died there. She was 
well educated, and taught a school in the Indian town. Thomas 
Tokus, of the Brothertown tribe, was a soldier in the Civil War, but 
his relationship is unknown. 

TouCEE, TowsEY, TowcEE, TowsEE, — Tunxis tribe, Farmington, 
Conn. David and Sarah Towsey were the results of early instruc- 
tion at Farmington, and became influential Christian Indians. He 
was a soldier in Capt. John Patterson's company in 1755 and 1756, 
and in Col. Nathan Whiting's company in 1762. In 1769 he sold 
his land at Indian Neck, being then "of Stockbridge," and in 1774 
he was at Kingsbury, near Fort Edward. He maintained, however, 
his tribal interest, and was sometimes at Farmington. In 1772 he 
wrote Doctor Wheelock, asking him to take his two sons for instruc- 
tion. Benjamin was at Hanover in 1777. David Towsey died about 
1778, and his widow removed to Brothertown, receiving lot 45 in 
1796. As it was afterwards forfeited, she doubtless returned to New 
England. Chn.: I. Benjamin. II. Joseph, b. 1769. 

Benjamin Toucee (^ David) was born in 1765 at Farmington, 
attended school there and at Hanover, and was a Revolutionary 
soldier in Capt. HulFs company from West Stockbridge, Mass., 
being then aged 17. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Andrew 
Curricomb, and they removed to Brothertown, settling on lot 20, 



assigned to him in 1795. Both died there, and his lot was sold for 
his children in 1828. Chn. : I. Aaron, b. 1793, received his grand- 
mother's lot in 1817, which was sold for him in 1828. He married 
Lydia Brushel. 11. Sarah Ann, m. Eikanah Dick. III. David, born 
at Brolhertovvn, Aug. 9, 1800, was bound out to the Misses Kirkland 
when eleven years old. In 1824 he received part of lot 87. He mar- 
ried Eunice, daughter of Josiah Charles, and they removed to Wis- 
consin, where he died about 1844, and she in 1886. 

ToxcoiT, ToxcoiET, — James Toxcoit of the Narragansett tribe, 
born in 1744, was an early emigrant to Brothertown, where he leased 
his lot in 1791 to Abraham Oaks. In 1795 he received lot 19. His 
wife's name was Barsha, born in 1753. They both died at Brother- 
town . 

TuHiE, TuHUY, TuHi, TuHiGH, ToHOY,— Narragansett tribe, 
Charlestown, R. I. In the census of 1761 is the name John Tohoy, 
then above 16 years, and the son of Joseph and Jane. We have reason 
to think that this was John Tuhie, born in 1744, who was interested 
in the emigration, and removed to Brothertown after the Revolution. 
Lots II and 18 were assigned to him in 1795, ^^'^^ latter for the sup- 
port of Elizabeth Cognehew, a widow, aged 60. He was a prominent 
man and a peacemaker from 1796 to 181 1. His epitaph reads " John 
Tuhie Esq. Died December 14, 181 1. Aged 65 years." His wife, 
Sarah, outlived him, and became blind. They had a son, Jeremiah, 
and also brought up John and Mary Charles. Jeremiah Tuhie was 
born in 1768, married Jerusha Charles, born in 1772, came to Broth- 
ertown in 1788, and settled on lot 8. Chn.: I. Eliza. II. John, 
who had a cousin Joseph Tuhie, whom he killed in a quarrel. See 
Jones' Annals of Oneida County, p. 44. 

Wampy, Wimpey, Weampy, Weampee, — Tunxis tribe. Farming- 
ton, Conn. Elijah Wampy, born in 1734, was one of the well 
known Indians of his day. He was educated in the Farmington 
school, owned land there, and bought more, served as a soldier in 
1757, and became conspicuous in tribal affairs. He was one of the 
leaders in the emigration plans, and removed to Oneida in 1775. 
During the Revolution he was at Stockbridge, but returned as soon 
as it was safe to do so, settling on lot 117, where he lived until his 
death. Incidents of his adventurous life in the wilderness were 
related among the early settlers for years. He was foremost in the 
Brothertown land troubles, having an ambition for authority, which 
was never gratified. He died, probably, about 1802. His wife, 
Jerusha, died before I795- We think she was a second wife, and 
his first was Eunice W^aucus, who died at Farmington. Chn. : I. 


Eunice, d. 1767, ae. 3. II. Elijah. III. Eunice, 2d, m. George 
Peters. IV. Sarah. V. Hannah. VI. Charles, who received lot 
63 in 1804. VII. Esther. VIII. Jerusha, m. Charles. The heirs 
to lot 117, in 1831, were Elijah, Esther, Jersuha and Clarinda. 

Elijah Wampy (i Elijah) was born in 1765, and married widow 
Elizabeth Peters, born in 1761, whose daughter, Mary Peters, was 
living with them in 1795. He lived on lot 15, and died at Brother- 
town about 181 2. In 1828, his only living child was Clarinda, born 
in 1 791, who married Jacob Scippio, though he had a son, Elijah, 
born in 1794. 

Wauby, Wobby, Wappy, Wobi, Woyboy, — Narragansett or Pe- 
quot tribe. Roger Wauby, born in 1734, belonged to a family orig- 
inally of the Pequot tribe. Some of that name lived at Mushantuxet. 
He had land rights at Stonington, and his name is found in their lists. 
In 1765, however, he was living among the Narragansetts, and he 
signed with them in 1767. He was related to Samson Wauby, 
Wheelock's pupil — probably a brother. Occom called him " Brother 
Roger," and we think they were related through Occom's mother. 
He was one of the foremost in the emigration scheme ; became a 
Revolutionary soldier in Capt. Samuel Prentice's company of the 
Sixth Connecticut regiment ; and, after the war, removed to Oneida, 
becoming one of the founders of Brothertown. His first location was 
found to be west of the town, and he moved to lot 3. He is said to 
have lived a consistent Christian life, and was a devoted friend of 
Samson Occom. He died before 1819, when his lot was assigned to 
his son, Isaac. His widow, Mary, was living in 1808. Chn. : I. 
Isaac. II. A daughter, who married a Paul, and whose sons, An- 
drew and John were living with him in 1795. III. Daniel, who 
married Rhoda Charles, daughter of James Niles, received lots 30 
and 31 in 1797, and died before 18 17. His widow held lot 30 during 
her life, and it was sold for Oliver Charles in 1843. IV. Joseph. 

Isaac Wauby (^ Roger) born in 1762, lived on lot 28. He mar- 
ried Jane, daughter of Thomas Patchauker, who was probably his 
second wife. He had a fair education, and became an exhorter of 
the Freewill Baptist order, being known as "Elder Wauby." 
About 181 2 he became a naturalized citizen, the first of his people to 
secure the honor. He moved to White River, Ind., where he died. 
His widow returned to Brothertown, and in 1825 held part of lot 3. 
Ch.: Jehoiakim, b. 1791. 

Joseph Wauby (1 Roger) was born in 1776, and married Phebe, 
daughter of James Niles. They lived on lot 33, in 1804. In 1831, 
part of lot 3 was sold for Isaac, James, John and Silas Wauby, and 
Jerusha Dick " heirs of Joseph Wauby deceased.'' A daughter, Cyn- 
thia, married Thomas Dick. His son, Isaac, married Mary Jakeways 


and they moved to Wisconsin in 1834, where he died about 1870, 
and she Dec. 3, 1888, aged 78. Their children were Anion, Sarah, 
Aaron, who was in Co. D, 35th Wis. Vols., and died at Morganzia, 
Aug. 14, 1864, and Lewis, who was in Co. A, 2d Wis. Cav., and 
died after his return from the war. Joseph's son, James, married 
Eunice, daughter of Paul Dick, and removed to Wisconsin. 

Waucus, Waukas, Wowous, Wo\vowous, Wawawis, — Tunxis 
tribe, Farmington, Conn. This was one of the original families of the 
tribe. In 1688 Wawawis was one of the two chosen Tunxis chiefs. 
He died before 1727, when his four children, Peathus, Achatowset, 
James and Eunice released the land he had owned, commonly called 
Indian Neck. James Wowowous had a son, James, born in 1728. 
He attended the early schools at Farmington, became a soldier in 
Capt. John Patterson's company in 1755 and 1756, and in Capt. 
Timothy Northam's company, ist Regiment N. Y. troops, raised in 
Connecticut in 1762. His wife's name was Rachel. In 1771 he is 
"James Wowous of Farmington, now of Stockbridge." He was 
engaged in the emigration scheme, went to Oneida before the Revo- 
lution, but died before 1778, when "Rachel Wowous" sold their 
Farmington lands. They had children, Susannah and James, and 
perhaps others. 

James Waucus (^ James, ^ James, 1 Wawawis) was born in 1768 
and became a pupil in Joseph Johnson's school at Farmington. He 
married Philena, daughter of Solomon Adams, and settled at Brother- 
town on lot 9. In 1795 his wife's sister, Damaris, who afterwards 
married Jacob Thomas, was living with them. The sisters sold land 
at Farmington in 1801. He died about 1806 and his widow married 
Thomas Crosley. Olive Sampson was heir to lot 9 in 1837. 

Waukeet, Waukeets, Waukete, Walkeat, — Niantic tribe, 
Niantic. Conn. This was an old and prominent Indian family. Joshua 
Waukeet was the only one who removed to Brothertown. He received 
lot 60 in 1804, and died there, leaving a widow Susannah, living in 
1812. Martha Palmer, Mary Paul, and Lucy Waukeet, sisters, who 
went to Wisconsin from Niantic, were of this family. 

Wiggins, — Among the settlers at Brothertown, N. Y., in 1795, 
was James Wiggins Titus. He dropped the last name later. He 
married Anne, daughter of Andrew Curricomb, and they lived on lots 
122 and 123. Chn. : I. Martin. 11. Mary, b. 1793. IIL Samson. 
Perhaps, also, Ethan Wiggins was a son. 

Martin Wiggins (^ James), born in 1791, lived at Brothertown, 
N. Y. He is believed to have been the father of David and Ezekiel. 
The former married Louisa Hammar and they lived at Brothertown, 


Wis. Their son Leander married Henrietta Brushel, was in Co. E, 
2ist Wis. Vols., and died at Chaplin Hills, Oct. 8, 1862. Another 
son was in Co. A, 2d Wis. Cav., and died in the service. Ezekiel 
Wiggins married Elizabeth, daughter of Samson Paul, and they 
removed to Wisconsin. Their son Martin married Mary Ann Denny, 
an Oneida Indian, and they had a son Martin in Co. E., 21st Wis. 
Vols., who died Nov. 30, 1862. 

Samson Wiggins (i James) was born about 1796, and received lot 
143 in 1824. He married and had the following children, for whom 
his lot was sold in 1833: I. Eli, who was in the i8th Wis. Vols., 
and died at Brothertown, Wis. II. James. III. Samuel IV. Char- 
lotte, m. William Johnson. \. Seth. VI. Hiram, who was in a 
N. Y. regiment in the war. 

WiOTT, Wyatt, Wiutt, Wiat, — Thomas Wiat, aged 24, was at 
Brothertown in 1795, and received lot 135. In 1828 his land was 
sold for Thomas and Caroline Wiott. He died before 1831. Chn. : 
I. Thomas, who received lot 149 in 1827. II. Daniel. III. Abi- 
gail, m. Seketer. The son Daniel received lot (88) in 1821, where 
he and his wife Rachel lived. They had a son Romance, or "Matt,'' 
born in 1826, who was brought up by Cynthia Dick, removed to Wis- 
consin, but returned to New York later, and worked on the Erie 
Canal. He was in Co. K, 26th N. Y. Vols., in the war. At the 
last accounts he had gone to spend his old age in the town where so 
many of his people are buried in forgotten graves. 


Abner, Randall, 315, 320, 325, 328. 

Adams, Rev. Eliphalet, 25-32, 64, 197, 199. 

Adams, Solomon, 202, 203, 212, 285. 

Amherst, Sir Jeffery, 88-91. 

Apes, William, 17. 

Ashbow, Rev. Samuel, 34n., 74-78, 98, iGin., 167, 194, 197, 198, 200, 204, 

284, 310, 311. 
Ashley, Benjamin, 83n. 
Aupaumut. See Hendrick. 
Avery, Rev. David, 79n., io8n. 
Avery, Captain James, 25. 
Avery, Samuel, 29. 

Babcock, Rev. Stephen, 192-194. 

Baptist churches, 192-195, 200, 310-312. 

Barber, Rev. Jonathan, 29, 30, 75. 

Barrett, Moses, 60, 6j. 

Beatty, Rev. Charles, j^^ 74. 

Bible, Indian, 8, 14, 15. 

Blinman, Rev. Richard, 196. 

" Boston Correspondents," i3n., 59, 66, 86, 97n., 99. 

Bostwick, Rev. David, 53n., 815, 86, 90, 94, 95, 223, 235. 

Bourne, Richard and Joseph, 17. 

Bowman, Rev. Joseph, 97n. 

Brainerd, Rev. David, 233, 235. 

Brainerd, Rev. John, 48, 58, 131, 209, 243. 

Brant, Joseph, 67, 91, 98, 105, 239. 

Briant, Solomon, 17. 

Brothertown Indians, emigration from New England, 188, 189, 207-230, 240, 
244, 245, 247, 248, 258, 277; treaties with the Oneidas, 210-223, 261- 
263; 285-287; sufferers in the Revolution, 225-232, 276; founding of 
their town, 252,253; educated men among, 284, 285; town govern- 


370 INDEX 

ment, 287-292, 299-315 ; land troubles of, 261-263,274, 275, 283-292; 
peacemakers, 252, 287-291, 300, 301, 324; superintendents, 291, 292, 
299, 300, 312-314; agent of, 311-315; records, 300, 301 ; numbers, 290, 
304. 305' 309» 323' 326, 329-331 ; lands divided, 2S7, 299, 300, 303, 307, 
308; agriculture among, 272, 276, 303-306, 327, 328; trades learned, 
306, 329; religious affairs, 275-282, 309-313; schools, 300, 301, 308, 
309, 314; public improvements, 290, 306-309; laws, 300-303; burying- 
grounds of, 293-295, 297, 298, 327; tribal fund, 291, 292, 320, 324, 326; 
emigration to White River, 316-319; secure Wisconsin lands, 319-323 ; 
wards of the New York Indians, 316, 323; emigration to Green Bay, 
325-327; Brothertown, Wis., 325-331; citizens of the United States, 
327; in Civil War, 323, 334; headmen of, 275, 330; family history, 

Buell, Rev. Samuel, 40, 41, 44, 47, 52, 53, 85, 86, 164. 
Bull, Rev. Nehemiah, 233, 235. 
Burr, President Aaron, 48. 

Calvin, Hezekiah, 64, 107, no. 

Canajoharie, io8n., 114. 

Chamberlain, Theophilus, 68, 107, 112. 

Chandler, Rev. Samuel, 143. 

Charters on Christianizing the Indians, 2-5. 

Cherokee Indians, 50. 

Clelland, Robert, 123-127. 

Clinton, N. Y., 265, 268, 273, 274, 279, 307. 

" Commissioners of the United Colonies," 24. 

Commuck, Thomas, 177, 180, 181, 325, 328, 329. 

Connecticut, Correspondents of the Scotch Society, i3n., 62, 64, 67, 99, 100, 
102, 103, 106, 107, 119, 126-129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 145, 155; General 
Association of, 147, 282; General Court's action, 24, 27, 30, 31, 59, 98, 
99, 114, 120-123, 189, 223, 241, 242, 299. 

Cook, Moses, 170, 173. 

Crosby, Rev. Aaron, 97n. 

Cuish, Rev. Philip, 200. 

Curricomb, Andrew, 211, 212, 231, 252, 255, 285. 

Dakayenensere, Isaac, S3. 

Dartmouth, Earl of, 138-141, 146-149. 

Dartmouth College, Indian students at, 67, 71, 78, 79, 239, 242, 251, 2S4 ; 

picture of Occom, I49n. ; founding of, 1 57-160; Commencements, 220, 

Davenport, Rev. James, 32-34, 43. 
Davies, President Samuel, 50. 

INDEX 371 

Deake, Edward, 72, 195, 196. 

Dean, James, 9711., 255, 257, 268, 270, 273, 274. 

Dean, John, 312-314. 

Dean, Thomas, 307, 312-315, 320, 326, 327. 

Deansville, N. Y., 293, 305, 307, 315. See Brothertovvn Indians. 

De Berdt, Dennys, 138. 

Delaware Indians, 58, 69, ro6, i07n., 225, 316, 317. 

Dick, Asa, 308, 309, 343. 

Dick, Elder Thomas, 312, 320, 325, 328. 

Dodge, Phineas, 79n., io8n. 

Dorr, George, 199. 

Dwight, President Timothy, 136, 304,306, 308, 314. 

Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, 83n., 235. 

Eells, Rev. Nathaniel, 198. 

EHot, Rev. John, studies Indian language, 8, 9; missionary plans of, 9-14; 

"The Christian Commonwealth," 11-13; educational work, 14, 15; 

missions, 16-20; later influence of, 28, 29, 40. 
Ely, Reuben, 199. 
Emigration of Indians, to Oneida, 207-225, 243-245, 247-249; to White 

River, Ind., 316-319; to Green Bay, Wis., 319-328. 
Episcopal church, I2n., 82, 126, 128, 132, 136, 143-145, 190-192. 
" Episcopal Society." See Societies. 
Erskine, Rev. John, ']2^, 74, 100. 

Farmington Indians, 70, 200-203, 210-212, 224. 

Fish, Rev. Joseph, 100, 193-199. 

Fish, Phinehas, 17. 

FitcK, Rev. James, 24, 25. 

Foot, Moses, 268, 273, 274, 291. 

Forbes, Rev. Eli, 83n., 97n., 255n. 

Fort Schuyler, 231, 286. 

Fort Stanwix, 84, 89. 

Fowler, Elder Benjamin G., 312, 320, 326, 328. 

Fowler, David, birth and parents, 53-55, 117, 203; education of, 64, 66; 
mission with Occom, 85-96; teacher at Kanawarohare, 108-118; mar- 
riage of, 26, 1 1 2-1 14; teacher at Montauk, 203, 204; early emigrant to 
Oneida, 221, 225, 226, 231, 232 ; at Stockbridge, 231, 232, 241, 242; 
return to Oneida, -247 ; home at Brothertown, 249-254, 261, 267, 269, 
270, 294, 305, 307, 308 ; trustee and peacemaker, 252, 287, 290, 301 ; 
children baptized, 275; attitude in land troubles, 290; death and 
burial, 295, 298. 

372 INDEX 

Fowler, Jacob, birth and parents, 53-55; education of, 70, 71; school- 
master, 107, 114, 116, 117 ; teacher at Groton, 197, 198 ; interest in the 
emigration, 212; tutor at Dartmouth College, 197, 232; in government 
service, 197, 232; an emigrant to Oneida, 247, 248; at Brothertown, 
249, 251, 257, 260; town c erk, 252; death of, 265, 294. 

French Wars, 65, 68, 82-84, 9^, 99, 130, 169, 170, 200, 239. 

Frisbie, Rev. Levi, 72, 79n., loi, I07n. 

Garret family, 26, 72, 113, 114, 196. 

George III, King of England, 140, 142,. 148. 

German Flats, 89, 91, 254, 256, 258. 

Gifford, Rev. Andrew, 143, 147. 

Gleason, Rev. Anson, 205. 

Gleason, Rev. Charles, 17. 

"Good Peter," 83, 106, 107, 126, 255n., 316. 

Graves, Rev. Matthew, 132, 133, I44n. 

Griswold, Rev. George, 199. 

Groton Indians, 25, 11, 63, 75, i62n., 192, 193, 196-19S. 

Gunn, Elisha, 106, 107. 

Hancock, John, 136. 

Hannibal, David, 204. 

Hawley, Rev. Gideon, 17, 83, 97n. 

Hendrick Aupaumut, 237, 238, 253, 254, 264-266, 268, 269, 274, 276, 316-319. 

Hibbard, Rev. Augustine, 79n., io8n., i6in. 

Hobomok, 6. 

Horton, Rev. Azariah, 42-44. 46, 49. 

How, Rev. Perley, 17. 

Hubbard, Willard, I24n. 

Huntingdon, Countess of, 106, 142, 143, 178. 

Huntington, Sarah L., 149, i5on., 205, 206. 

Ilutton, Amos, 291, 304, 305. 

Indians, the Forefathers attempt to Christianize, 1-20 ; Anglicized, 5-8, 20, 
179, 266, 304, 329; lost tribes of Israel. 4, 11 ; made servants, 6,7; 
language studied, 7-10, 58, 67, 92; whites take children of, 6, 7, 14; 
heathen, 23, 24, no, 256; decrease of, 19, 169, 198, 200, 205, 323, 329- 
331 ; lands, 10, 11, 13, 17, 21, 25, 27, 28, 42, 102, 1 19-129, 188, 194, 200, 
208, 210-223, 236, 245, 261-263, 274, 275, 283-292, 316-323 ; agriculture 
among, 11, 62, 66, loS, no, 117, 208, 253, 272, 276, 303-306, 327, 328; 
town government, 9-14, 40, 209, 284, 287-292, 299-315; intemperance 
of> I9> 57» 58* 64, 75, 93, 160, 162-176, 188, 302, 303, 306, 331 ; famines 
among, 96, no, ni, n6-ii8, 268; singing, 46, 80, in, 177, 178, 249, 

INDEX 373 

250, 328, 329; churches among, 13, 16-19, 32-34,9711., 165-167, 190-196, 
205, 235-237, 263, 279-282, 318; baptized, 31, 84, 192, 193, 235, 264. 
268, 269, 270, 271, 275; soldiers, 23, 65, 68, 70, 72, 169, 170, 189, 196, 
200, 204, 231, 232, 237--240, 317, 323, 324; at college, 58, 67, 71, 78, 79, 
239, 242, 251, 284 ; licensed or ordained as ministers, 49-53, "jd^ 77, 192- 
195, 200, 220, 221, 242. 

" Indian Melodies,"' 177, 180, 181, 328, 329. 

Indian treaties. See treaties. 

Japhet, 25. 

Jeningo, 76, 77, 98. 

Jewett, Rev. David, 32-34, 71, 76, 100, 124-129. 

Johnson, Amy, 64, 65, 66, 113. 

Johnson, Edward, 94. 

Johnson, Guy, 222, 223. 

Johnson, Rev. Jacob W., 63, 75. 162, 197, 198. 

Johnson, Captain Joseph, 65. 

Johnson, Rev. Joseph, 64-66, 107, 114-117, 167, 16S, 202, 203, 209-230. 

Johnson, Samuel, loSn., 114. 

Johnson, Sir William, 67, 68, 89-92, 96, 103, 106, 109, 116, 132, 157, 162, 

210, 213-220, 224, 239. 
Johnson, Zachary, 22, 65, 75, 167, 168, 204. 

Kanawarohare, 95, 104, 10S-118, 212, 221, 226. 

" Kansas claim," 321-323. 

Keen, Robert, 147. 

Kinne, Rev. Aaron, 68, io8n, 114. 

Kirkland, Rev. Samuel, birth of, 105; education, 61, 78, 79n., 87, 105, 106; 
messenger to the Six Nations, 67 ; missionary to the Senecas, 64, 69, 
106, 109, III ; among the Oneidas, 95, io8n., 109, 114-118, 178, 207, 225; 
cabin at Oneida, 114, 115; opinion on removal of Wheelock's school, 
70, 157 ; testimony to "Good Peter," 83n. ; relations with Ralph Whee- 
lock, 161 ; journals of, 166, 221, 244, 294, 296, 297, 309-312 ; friend of the 
New England Indians, 212, 221, 241, 242, 244, 245, 269; grant of lands 
to, 2S7 ; at Brothertown, 294, 304, 309-312. 

Kirkpatrick, Rev. William, 83-85. 

Konkapot, 232, 233, 235. 

Konkapot, Jacob, 237, 256, 260. 

Konkapot, Captain John, 239, 240. 

Larrabee, Benjamin," 197. 

Latham, David, 199. 

Lebanon, church at, 33-37, 61 ; schoolhouse, 59-62 ; meeting-house, 61. 

" London Society." See Societies. 

374 INDEX 

Mamohet, 122. 

Marshpee, 17-19, 8311. 

Mason, Major John, 120. 

Mason, Captain John, 27-29, 141, 142, 199. 

Mason, Daniel and Samuel, 121. 

" Mason Controversy," 28, 29, 1 19-129, 141, 142. 

Massachusetts, charter of, 3-5; seal, 5; General Court's action, 9, 10, I3n. 

59, 233, 234; missions in, 9-20, 232-237. 
Mather, Allyn, 79n., io8n., i6in. 
Mattawan, John, 201-203. 
Matthews, John, 72, 284. 
Mayhew, Rev. Experience, 24-26, 196, 197. 
Mayhew, Rev. Thomas, 8, 14, 16-19. 
McClure, Rev. David, 61, 62, 79n., loi, io7n., 114, 115, 148, 156, 158, 165, 

194, 227, 230. 
McSparran, Rev. James, 190, 191. 
Methodist churches, 310-312, 328. 
Miami Indians, 316-319. 

Miner, John, 196. 

Mohawk Indians, missions among, 51, 64,70,82-85, 103, I07n. ; at Whee- 

lock's school, 66-68, 86, 96. 
Mohegan Indians, residence of, 21, 22; early numbers, 21 ; missions among, 

24-34, 100, loi, 204-206; lands of, 21, 28, 29, 1 19-129; schools, 27-31, 

123-129; at Wheelock's school, 64-66, 71 ; church among, i67n., 193. 
Montauk Indians, residence of, 42; missions among, 42-55, 203, 204; at 

Wheelock's school, 66, 70, 71. 
More, Joshua, 59, 60. 
Morgan, John, 197. 
Morse, Rev. Jedediah, 319. 
Moseley, Rev. Ebenezer, 97n., 255n. 

Moseley, Rev. Samuel, 60, 97n., 100. *• 

Mossuck, Daniel, 70, 211, 212, 249. 
Mossuck, Solomon, 70, 202, 203, 211, 212. 

Narragansett Indians, missions among, 25, IZ'' 189-196; schools, 72, 192, 

195, 196 ; at Wheelock's school, 71-74; land troubles of, 72-74. 
Natick, 13-20, 28, 29,40, 209. 

Nedson, Edward, 198, 199. 

New England, Great Patent of, 3, 4. 

New England Indians. See Brothertown and Stockbridge Indians. 

New Hampshire, General Assembly of, 59, 131, 227. 

New London, First church, 25-32; North church, 32-34, 76, 125. 

INDEX - 375 

New Stockbridge, N. Y., 165, 245, 250-282, 286, 296, 316-318. 

New York, Correspondents of the Scotch Society, T3n., 42, 43, 48, 50, 58, 

59, 84-86, 89, 90, 94, 131 ; General Assembly's action, 226, 245, 248, 

286-292, 299, 300, 324. 
"New York Indians vs. United States," 217, 319-323. 
Newton, Rev. John, 143, 17S. 
Niantic Indians, 33, 100, loi, 119, 199, 200 
Niles, James, 71, 72, 284. 
Niles, Rev. Samuel, 72, 192-195, 198. 
Ninegret, 25, 12, 190. * 

Nonantum, 9-ir, 16. 
Noyes, Rev. James, 25, 3on, 

Occom, Rev. Samson, birth and parents, 21-24, 33, 36; name, 21 ; educa- 
tion of, 30, 34-41, 52, 94; conversion, 34; Hebrew Bible, 39; diary, 37, 
38; Autobiography, 23, 24, 30, 34, 36, 135; teacher at Montauk, 43-55; 
works at a trade, 47, 295 ; library, 39, 46, 47, loi, 148, 277 ; licensed and 
ordained, 49-53; marriage, 54; missions to Oneida, 84-104; family, 
64, 65, 94, loi, 152-155, 293, 353, 354; home at Mohegan, loi, 102, 155, 
204, 205, 277; pecuniary circumstances, 44, 45, 47, loi, 152, 153, 156, 
248; " Mohegan Land Case," 119-129; as a preacher, 125, 126, 136, 137, 
139, 169-175,247, 248, 278,279; relation to Episcopalians, 126,128, 
133, 143-145; in England, 130-151 ; manners of, 137, 138, 141 ; offered 
a degree, 148; pictures of, 148-150,277; fall into intemperance, 162- 
168; on removal of Wheelock's school, 157-160; execution sermon, 
169-176; on slavery, 176; hymn book and hymns, 177-187,249-251, 278; 
plan of emigration, 207-209; locates Oneida lands, 221 ; address to the 
Six Nations, 228, 229 ; frontier missionary, 97, 98, 247-279 ; " Christian 
cards," 257, 260, 261, 278; marriage service of, 250, 251, 274; as a phy- 
sician, 262, 273, 274, 278; defense of land claim, 261-263, 274, 275, 283- 
292 ; removal to Brothertown, 148, 277 ; Indian church of, 165, 250- 
276, 279-282, 293; home at Brothertown, 269, 271, 292, 293, 308; remov- 
al to New Stockbridge, 290, 292, 295 ; death and burial, 290, 295-298. 

Oneida Castle, 91, 95, loSn., 114, 117. 

Oneida Indians, missions among, I2n., 64, 66, 70, 72, 82-118, 130, 208, 319; 
at Wheelock's school, 68, 69, 162; wampum mission belt, 93, 146; 
grant lands, 211-223, 244, 245, 261-263, 274, 275, 285-287 ; neutrality of, 
225-229, 232. 

Onohoquaga, 64, 76, 82, 83, 97, 106, 107, 109. 

Onondaga Indians, 77, 155, 156, 161, 162. 

Oriskany, 68. 

376 \ • INDEX 

Park, Rev. Joseph, 190-193. 

Parsons, Rev. Jonathan, 33, 199. 

Paul, Anthony, 248. 255, 267, 270, 272, 2S5, 293. 

Paul, Moses, 169-176. 

Paupaumnuk, Ebenezer, 235. 

Pauquaunaupeet, " Sir" Peter, 238, 239, 251, 254, 257, 260, 264-266, 268, 271, 

Peabody, Rev. Oliver, 28, 29, 197. 
Pegun, Thomas, 29. 

Pequot Indians. See Groton and Stonington Indians. 
Peters, George, 270, 303. 
Pharaoh, Ephraim, 54, 2S5, 291. 
Phelps, Alexander, 39. 
Phillips, Colonel John, 227. 
Pigeon Hunt, 96, 116. 
Pilgrim Fathers, 4, 5. 
Pitkin, Rev. Timothy, 202, 203. 

Plymouth Colony, Charter of, 3, 4; Missions in, 17-19. 
Pomeroy, Rev. Benjamin, ^i, 39, 49, 60, 100, 161 n., 221. 
Pontiac War, 98. 
Popmonet, Simon, 17. 
Poquiantup, Hannah, 71, 112, 113, 284. 

Presbytery, Albany, 165, 166, 281, 282 ; Suffolk, 29, 50-53, 97, 132, 163, 164. 
Pumshire, John, 58. 
Puritan methods, 5-7. 
Pye, Joseph, 266, 276, 281. 

Quakers, 312-315. 

Quinney family, 238, 252, 260, 262, 264, 266-268, 276, 281, 295, 3i8n. 

Quinnipiac Indians, 202, 203. 

Revivals, 32-34, 49, 167, 259. 

Revolutionary War, Indians in, 68, 70, 72, 189, 196, 200, 204, 231, 232. 

Rice, Asaph, 97n. 

Ripley, Professor Silvanus, 35, 79n., 221. 

Rodgers, Rev. John, 223, 224, 248. 

Saint Francis Indians, 16. 

" Scotch Society." See Societies. 

Sekatur, Rev. Aaron, 194, 195. 

Sekatur, Rev. John, 194. 

Seneca Indians, 69, 91, 96, 106, 109, 114. 

Separatism, 49, 75, 77, 192-194, 310, 311, 



Sergeant, Rev. John, 233-237. 

Sergeant, Rev. John, the younger, 236, 243, 254, 270, 271, 279-282, 289, 296, 
297, 31S. 

Shattock, John and Tobias, 72-74. 

Shinnecock Indians, 42, 43. 

Simons, Abraham, 71, 72, 197, 242, 250, 252, 255, 257, 26S, 2S4, 287, 293, 294. 

Simons, Rev. Daniel, 71, 240-243. 

Simons, Emanuel, 71, 2S4. 

Simons, Rev. James, 192-194. 

Simons, William, 25. 

Singing among the Indians, 46, 80, in, 177, 178, 249, 250, 328, 329. 

Small-pox, 73, 87, 140. 

Smith, Rev. Charles J., 67, 9S, 131, 135, 136. 

Smith, John, 79-81, 102, 136, 138. 

Smith, Joshua, hymn books of, 180, 183. 

Smith, Titus, 107. 

Societies, Missionary, "The President and Soc. for the Prop, of the 
Gospel in N. E.," 12; "The Company for the Prop, of the Gospel," 
etc. ["Boston Commissioners" or "London Society"], I2n., 24, 29, 
?>^-ZZ^ 38-40, 44-46, 48-50, 54, 59, 63, 64, 82, %2>^ 97n.. 99, 100, 119, 123- 
129,133-135, 144, 155. 156, 177, 191, 192, 195-199, 201, 203, 233, 243, 
280; " Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge," i2n., 59; "The 
Society for the Prop, of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" ["Episcopal 
Society "], I2n , 82, I43n., 190; " Society in Scotland for Prop. Chris- 
tian Knowledge*' [" Scotch Society "], I3n., 42, 43, 48, 50, 51, 58, 59, 64,66,, 
67, 84-86, 89, 90, 94, 97n., 99, 100, 102, 103, 106, 107, 119, 126-129, 131, 
132, 134, 135, 145, 146, 155, 156, 236, 280; " Society for Prop. Christian 
Knowledge," I3n., 97n. ; " The Society for Prop, the Gospel Among 
the Indians," etc., I3n., 280, 281. 

Spencer, Rev. Elihu, 82. 

Squanto, 6. 

Stanton, John, 196. 

Stanton, Rev. Moses, 194. 

Stanton, Thomas, 196. 

Stockbridge, Mass., 234-237. 

Stockbridge Indians, mission among, 232-246; removal to Oneida, 243-245, 
249, 251, 252, 254, 260, 286; at New Stockbridge, 165, 245, 250-282, 
2S6, 296, 316-318; Westward emigration, 316-323. 

Stonington Indians, 25, 33, 196-199. 

Sweetingham, Hugh, 197. 

Tallman, Samuel, 69, 70, 225, 226, 284. 
Tantaquidgeon, Lucy, 23, loi, 204-206, 277. 

378 INDEX 

Tekananda, 69- 

Thanksgiving Day, Collections on, 31, 189. • 

Thomas, " Deacon," 69, 160. 

Thompson, William, 196. 

Thornton, John, 143, 146, 147, 156, 164. 

Toppan, Amos, 97 n. 

Towsey, David, 202, 284. 

Treat, Rev. Samuel, 18. 

Treaties, Indian, 210-223, 245, 261-263, 274, 275, 285-287, 316-323. 

Trumbull, J. Hammond, 2n., 4, 5, 15. 

" Trust Fund," 59, 146, 147, 155-158. 

Tuhie, John, 252, 253, 265, 285, 287, 293, 295, 301, 308, 317. 

Tunxis Indians. See Farmington Indians. 

Tupper, Revs. Eldad and Elisha, 18. 

Tupper, Captain Thomas, 18. 

Tuscarora Indians, 84, 92, 219, 232. 

Umpachenee, 233, 235. 

Uncas, 21, 22, 24, 120, 323. 

Uncas, Major Ben, 25, 122. 

Uncas, Ben, 2d, 22, 30-32, 123. 

Uncas, Ben, 3d, 28, 29, 3in., 44, 64, 123, 124. 

Uncas, Caesar, 25, 28. 

Uncas, Isaiah, 3in., 64, 65, 204. 

Virginia, Charters of, 2-4 ; Indians in, 6. 

Wampum mission belt, 93, 146. 

Wampy, Elijah, 211, 212, 225, 231, 241, 252, 260, 276, 285, 287-291, 293, 307. 

Wangunk Indians, 76, 202. 

Warren, Sir Peter, Legacy of, 59, 99. 

Washington, General George, 227, 228, 238, 

Waubun, 9, 10, 16, 17. 

W^auby, Elder Isaac, 301, 312, 318, 319. 

Wauby, Roger, 64, 252, 255, 256, 264-268, 274, 285, 287, 291, 293. 

Wauby, Samson, 63, 64, 75, 76, 197, 284. 

West, Rev. Stephen, 236, 237, 241, 243. 

Wheelock, Rev. Eleazar, birth and parents, 35 ; interest in Indians aroused, 
33; instructs Occom, 34-41 ; Charity School, 56-81, 99, 100, 284, 285; 
narratives, 131, 133, 147; letters to Whitefield, 46, 62, 92, 93, 96, 100, 
102, 125, 135, 155, 162; memorials to Connecticut Assembly, 98, 99; 
organizes the " Connecticut Correspondents," 99, 100 ; sends Occom to 
England, 130-136; loses influence over the Indians, 155-162, 207 ; com- 
mends the emigration, 224, 225. 

INDEX 379 

Wheelock, Ralph, 35, 61, 69, io8n., 118, 161. 

Whitaker, Rev. Nathaniel', 76, 9311., 100, 131-151. 

White, Hugh, 270, 272, 291. 

White River, emigration to, 316-319. 

Whitefield, Rev. George, 29n., 33, 58, 62, 103, 104, 130, 133, 138, 139, 178. 

Whitman, Rev. Samuel, 201, 202. 

Wigwam life, 24, 46, 20on. 

Windham Association, 49, 50, 51, 58, 62, 100. 

Williams, Daniel, Legacy of, i2n., 82. 

Williams, Rev. Eleazar, 319. 

Williams, Roger, 8, 9. 

Williams, Rev. Solomon, 40, 42, 44, 48, 49, 50, 100. 

Williams, Rev. Stephen, 232, 233. 

Wisconsin, emigration to, 319-328. 

Woodbridge, Timothy, 233. 

Woodward, Professor Bezaleel, 35. 

Woolley, Jacob, 58. 

Woolley, Joseph, 64, 106, 107, 109, no.